Poona Pact 1932 – Magna Carta of Dalit Identity

Poona Pact 1932 – Magna Carta of Dalit Identity

Today, September 24, is the anniversary of Poona Pact of 1932 signed between Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar. The Poona Pact 1932 was an agreement between Babasaheb Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi on the political representation of the Depressed Classes (a term that referred to Dalits/Untouchables/Scheduled Castes).  It came in the wake of the Communal Award given by

British PM Ramsey MacDonald in August, 1932 in the aftermath of Round Table Conferences held in London in the early years of 1930s. Ramsey Macdonald, announced the Communal Award that gave Depressed Classes separate electorates for central and provincial legislatures. Mahatma Gandhi viewed this as a danger to the Hindu society that would de-link untouchables from Hindus. Babasaheb Ambedkar and other leaders of the Depressed Classes welcomed the award. In the 1920s, electoral reforms in India aimed to make the government more representative gained momentum. However, the issue of the representation of the Depressed Classes had divergent views within the Indian society and political parties. Access to education, social reforms, the emergence of new leaders and political empowerment made the leaders of the Depressed Classes demand equality in political rights. The role and contribution of Ad-dharam Movement initiated by Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia in mid 1920s and the relentless struggle and vision of Babasaheb Ambedkar carried the matter to the high tables of Round Table Conferences in London. These efforts resulted in the Communal Award – providing Separate electorates for Marathas, depressed classes, Sikhs, women, Indian Christians, and Anglo-Indians.

On 20th September 1932, to oppose the Communal Award which was realized in spite opposition by the Congress Party led by Mahatma Gandhi, while in prison in Yerwada Jail in Poona (Pune), Mahatma Gandhi announced a fast unto death till the time separate electorates were removed from the Award. The British rulers gave the assurance that they would make changes to the Award if these are proposed in an agreement between the communities concerned. Hindu political leaders realized that the only chance to get Gandhi terminate his fast was to facilitate an agreement between Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar. Initially, Ambedkar was not fazed by Gandhi’s fast. But later, he came around and agreed to negotiate. In the end, Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar signed an agreement – the Poona Pact 1932 that dropped separate electorates for the depressed classes. Instead of separate electorates, the Poona Pact established a system of reserved seats for the Scheduled Castes within the general electorate. 148 seats were reserved for the Depressed Classes in the provincial legislatures against 71 seats given by the Communal Award. 18% of the total seats of the general electorate in the central legislature were to be kept for the Depressed Classes. Mahatma Gandhi broke his fast on 26th September 1932. The rest is history – The Pact influenced the Government of India Act 1935 and necessary provisions were incorporated. The Separate electorates were given to Muslims, Sikhs and others, but not to the Depressed Classes. After independence in 1947, the constitution of India provided for Reservations to the SCs and STs as an affirmative action in the spirit of the Poona Pact of 1932. That is why I called it as the Magna Carta of Dalit Identity. I must add it here in a hast that those who oppose

Reservations must understand that no one, right from Gandhi or other caste Hindus, offered Reservations willingly on a platter to the SCs and SCs and other marginalized sections of the society. They fought for and paid for it in an ample measure under the leadership of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Periyar Ramasamy  among others.

The leaders of the Depressed Classes, including Babasaheb Ambedkar, were not happy with the Poona Pact. Even though the number of seats reserved was doubled than what the Award had offered. The separate electorates were viewed as a critical tool for political representation of Dalits.  Babasaheb Ambedkar himself argued that the Award had given Depressed Classes a double vote: they could use one vote for the separate electorates and another for the general electorate. Ambedkar felt that the second vote was ‘a political weapon was beyond reckoning’ for the protection interests of Depressed Classes’. Babasaheb Ambedkar termed Mahatma Gandhi’s fast merely a political move rather than a moral fight. Dr.

Ambedkar revealed his apprehensions in a large meeting of upper caste Hindus in Bombay on 25 September 1932 which was called for the approval of the Poona Pact, and said, “We have only one concern. Will the future generations of Hindus abide by this agreement?” To this all the upper caste Hindus said in one voice, “Yes, we will.” Dr. Ambedkar also said, “We see that unfortunately the Hindu community is not a united group but a federation of various communities. I hope and believe that you will consider this accord sacred from your side and will work with a respectful spirit.”

Then why Babasaheb agreed and signed the Poona Pact? There is no one answer to this lingering question – Babasaheb Ambedkar was a rational nationalist to the core. He did not want to adversely affect the freedom movement spear headed by the Congress Party under the stewardship of Mahatma Gandhi even if he was Babasaheb’s arch rival. In the face of stubbornness of Mahatma Gandhi, he was humane to the core to consider and save the life of Mahatma Gandhi, a dogmatic hardcore Hindu. Babasaheb Ambedkar did not intend to harm the edifice of the Hindu society at large but firmly and resolutely stood for reform and transformation. He was also concerned about the violent reprisal against the Dalit community, if anything happened to Gandhi: As such The Poona Pact was one of the most important events in the history of depressed classes. For the first time, the issue of political representation of the depressed classes was brought to the fore of national politics. The nature of emancipation of the depressed classes was now changed to political from social. The promises of the Poona Pact regarding the reservations found a reflection in the Indian Constitution.

The Pact was a historic moment in India’s constitutional and political history. To a large extent, the Pact further reinforced and augmented the claim that Depressed Classes were a political minority whose interests could not be ignored while drawing up the constitutional

future of India. The post Poona Pact political discourse continued to view the Poona Pact as a ‘deceit by the Congress Party and Hindu leadership led by Mahatma Gandhi. Even the flag bearers of Babasaheb Ambedkar and his legacy; namely Babu Kanshi Ram and others questioned the efficacy of the Pact and termed it as ‘the advent of Chamcha Yug (An Era of Stooges)’.

 

All said and done, on the anniversary of the Poona Pact of 1932, September 24, let us think and contemplate what Babasaheb said in Bombay (Mumbai) on September 25, 1932 as mentioned in the proceeding narration. The opponents of Reservation, both vocal and hidden, must understand this and accept the ground realities or consider Separate Electorates to the Dalits to keep them with the main stream of the society and the national life of India that is Bharat.

Nahin Minnatkash-e-Taab-e-Shaneedan Dastan Meri
Khamoshi Guftugu Hai, Be-Zubani Hai Zuban Meri

(My story is not indebted to the patience of being heard
My silence is my talk, my speechlessness is my speech)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kolkata – A Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba

 

 Kolkata – A Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba

I visited Kolkata last week from August 26 to September 2. It was my third short visits to the City of Joy – first two in 1990-91 and 1999-2000 in the call of my diplomatic duties – Meetings with the Kolkata High Court in connection with a rented property dispute pertaining to Romania and second accompanying the PM of Tukie (Turkey), Bulent Ecevit to Vishav Bharti University at Shanti Niketan in Kolkata for an Honorary Degree to honour him for his

At Kolkata in 1989-90

translation of Rabindranath Tagore’s book Gitanjali into Turkish language respectively. The third visit, a bit longer, was a family visit to meet my aging relations, Bhua and Fufad, Jai Kaur and Som Dutt of village Sikandarpur (Alawalpur) in Jalandhar. They have made Kolkata as their home for the last about 7 decades. Their family was engaged in leather business. It is a co-incident only that, I have had more connections with Kolkata as my grand-father; Rulda Ram also went to Kolkata for his bread and butter but returned back in mid 1950s. I recall seeing him in a Tonga (Horse-cart) on his return journey from the Jalandhar Railway Station to our home in Bootan Mandi, then a slum area in the out skirts of the town. Second, Vidya my wife, who is no more with us, now, was the daughter of Dhanna Ram of village Nawan Pind Jattan near Nakodar in Jalandhar. Dhanna Ram his immediate family were engaged in leather tanning business in Kolkata. The second purpose was to see and study the life and work of dalits of Doaba region of Punjab who were doing leather business in Kolkata (Calcutta) for generations and contributed to the socio-economic life not only of the area called – Bridge No.4 – Tiljala Road (now named as Guru Ravidass Sarani); a slum area of the Town of Joy then called Calcutta (Kolkata) – but also their homes back in districts of Doaba region of Punjab. It was a fairly pleasant journey from Jalandhar to Guru Ramdass International Airport in Amritsar (Raja Sansi Airport) by road and by Indigo flight to Netaji Subhash Chndra Bose International Airport (Dum-dum Airport). I stayed with my Fufad ji,  Som Dutt in their modest flatted accommodation at Kutsia Road (off Picnic Garden Road) which was not far off from the ‘nerve center of dalit presence in Kolkata’ at Guru Ravidass Sarani. I was informed that then CM of West Bengal Siddhrath Shankar Ray named Tiljala Road as Guru Ravidass Sarani on the suggestion of one of the brothers of my Fufaji (Uncle), Hazari Ram, a social activist of the community and his associates. Hazari Ram enjoyed good standing and rapport with the then Congress leadership of the city. It was one of my wishes to visit the place with a curiosity to learn more about the Karambhoomi (place of work and action) of dalit. According, I along with my Fufaji visited Guru Ravidass Gurudawara and related places on August 27 – a big gated park in front of the Gurudawara and adjacent plot being developed and contructed to accommodate more people on the celebrations of Guru Ravidass Jayanti and other big functions. The site, earmarked and dedicated by the state government of CM Mamta Banerji, is being developed with official patronage. The Gurudawara is a historical site which was built and dedicated to the community in 1939 by the migrant business community from Punjab. We paid obeisance to the great Guru Ravidass and joined the Aarti conducted by the Bhai (Priest) of the holy site. Later we met President of the Managing Committee, Narinder Chauhan and others, second and third

generation of the Punjabi migrants. During the cursory exchanges, I was told that dalits of Doaba region of Punjab came to Kolkata in 1920s with the Muslim (Khoja) leather businessmen from Peshawar (now in Pakistan) to make Peshori sandals. Later some more enterprising dalits from Punjab came to Kolkata to meet the increasing demands of the British army for boots and other leather products during the World War - II and also to meet the demands of leather to be used in the jute mills. Early migrants to Kolkata for greener pastures included many enterprising people of Doaba region particularly belonging to the villages of Jalandhar who were already engaged in leather business with the Khojas (Muslims) who migrated to Pakistan in the wake of partition of India. Many somewhat well to do, comparatively, from my native place, Bootan Mandi, namely; Nanda, Chanda and Jhanda, the three brothers of the known family of Seth Sunder Dass as told by my friend Manohar Mahey and Shama Sheenmar and many of his clan like Mali Ram of village Parsrampur, as told by my yet another friend, Prem Shant were the early birds to establish businesses in Kolkata. Yet another high profile family of Bootan Mandi who not only made their mark in business but also in politics and community matters was that of Seth Kishan Dass and his brother Seth Adhyatam. These Punjabi settlers in Kolkata played a historic role in the politics of India on one hand and contributed a great deal to India’s ‘Tryst with Destiny’ by electing Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent

Assembly in 1946 in cooperation with Joginder Nath Mandal, a prominent dalit leader of Bengal. If it was not done against all odds and hurdles created by the Congress Party and the Manuwadis of Hindu Maha Sabha and other hard core elements in the caste ridden Hindu society, the constitutional history of India and subsequent political developments would have been different.  I vividly recall reading the sterling role played by Seth Kishan Dass supported by the daredevil personalities like Baba Budh Singh of Village Tallan in Jalandhar among others. They rightly and aptly resorted to the Chanakya dictum of – Sam Dam Dand Bhed – to achieve their challenging goal to send Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly amidst fierce opposition of the Manuwadis. The rest is history. With a view to keep this narration brief, I will skip many more names and details and come to the crux of the mater as to why I termed Kolkata – a lost glory of dalits of Doaba?

With this background, I hesitatingly intend to say, after visiting and interacting with the heirs of the motely crowd of Dalits who made a mark in Kolkata, a far off place from Jalandhar who could not rise up to the challenge to hold and maintain the glory which their forefathers created for them. It is a matter of regret and remorse. My off the calf observation in this regard is that our forefathers, the so called cream or elite of the community who could make money out of the hellish and dirty occupation of manual leather tanning, did not educate and prepare their off-spring to meet the challenges of the fast changing economic and socio-political scenario. In their false and narrow perception of good life, they wined and dined in their own rustic and traditional way after a day’s hard work in Kolkata and purchased agricultural and residential properties back home in Punjab. I vividly recall and I mentioned it in my brief speech at the Kolkata Gurudawara that they intended to impress their extended families and relations back home with good white kurtas and dhotis (attire) with chains and bracelets of gold and gold rings adorning their hands. The country made booze and mutton curries were fixed on the menu of their meals. Some of them including Seth Kishan Dass decided to come back and picked up the threads to lead a comfortable life and established their business back home in Bootan Mandi. But the uneducated lot had no wherewithal as to but to do in the fast changing business requirements. Some of them sent their sons to USA, Canada, UK and other developed countries and married off their daughters with their counterparts and relations in the developed countries as a last ditch effort to salvage the declining fortunes. Some of the families diversified their work but remained entrenched in and around their work place around Bridge No.4; a

slum area of the city. They, namely; Narinder Chauhan, Vijay Madara, Suresh Kakoo among others, are holding the fort which was once the citadel of dalit assertion – I termed the situation as ‘Kolkata: a Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba’. I conveyed my feelings with a heavy heart to the audient at the Gurudawara function to honour me. The Chamar Seths of Kolkata did a wonderful job in making a break-through for socio-economic empowerment in the 1940s, earned name and fame back home in Punjab but, unfortunayely, they could not diversify and change to adjust to the changing business scenario. The major contributing factor in this set-back, to my mind, was that they did not educate and prepare the younger generation to meet the challenges of the future. I am reminded a poetic line of Allma Iqbal –

Jo Ashiana Shakhe Nazuk Pe Banega; Napayedar Hoga

As I said the visit was partly emotional re-bonding and partly leisure. My son Rupesh suggested that I must visit the famous China Town to relish the authentic Chinese meal which I did, courtesy; Suresh Kakoo, a duty-bound nephew of Fufad Som Dutt. The food at Restaurant Golden Joy, particularly the stirred fry garlic prawns was really good.  Kakoo who is a good cook himself, knowing my taste

for prawns, made a wonderful dish of prawns at home at a sumptuous dinner at their residence near the Guru Ravidass Gurudawara itself. I could also enjoy good mutton biryani and mutton korma at home ordered from good local eateries. I was interested
n tasting and bringing as a souvenir some local Bengali alcoholic beverage like Feni of Goa but could not get it. All said and done, It was a good emotional, educative and enjoyable visit which gave me a chance to visit the once – Nerve Centre of Dalit Chetna – Bridge No. 4 – Tilzila Road. We need to learn from history.