Emerging Trends in Punjab Politics – Role and Place of Dalits
and Backwards
Last week on July 4, one of the YouTube News channels; Khabar- National Times hosted a Talk on Punjab politics and role of Dalits with particular reference to BSP in which I along with Dr. Rahul Balley participated. The feedback from my friends motivated me to share my thoughts on the question; Punjab being one of the states of
Religious divide in Punjab - Punjab is the 16th most populous state of India and
has a diverse population of many religious denominations. In the census 2011,
out of 2.77 Crore population, around 1.6 crores (57.69%) have registered
themselves as Sikhs, 1.06 crores (38.49%) as Hindu (including Dalits), 5.35
Lakhs (1.93%) as Muslim and 3.48 lakhs (1.26%) as Christians.
Demographic
advantage of Dalits - Punjab has the highest proportion of Scheduled Castes
(Dalits) in India, comprising roughly 31.9% of its population. This demographic
position is marked by significant internal diversity, primarily between the
landless Mazhabi Sikhs and the Ravidasia/Ad-Dharmi Hindus, who frequently
assert distinct social and religious identities distinct from Hindus. The
remaining population comprises Jatt Sikhs (20–25%), who dominate agrarian
landholding and politics, General category upper-caste Hindus and Sikhs (33%),
and Other Backward Classes (20–25%). This structural makeup creates a unique
caste divide characterized by several local dimensions. Despite demographic
advantage, Dalits face extreme landlessness, owning just around 3% of
agricultural land. The state’s powerful Jatt Sikh community largely controls
the rural economy and polity. The Dalit divide also intersects with religious
affiliations, as a majority of Punjab’s SC population formally identifies
itself as Sikhs while a significant portion of urban Dalits remain as Hindu or
assert themselves as Ad-Dharmies.The divide is highly localized geographically.
The Doaba region (between the Beas and Sutlej rivers) covering districts viz.
Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Kapurthala, and Nawanshahr) has the highest concentration
of Dalits (35-40 %+) which has given rise to distinct political and
socio-religious movements led by the Ravidassia community.
Religion-wise Population and Percentage in Punjab
|
# |
Religion |
Percentage % |
Population 2011 |
|
1 |
Sikh |
57.69% |
16,004,754 |
|
2 |
Hindu |
38.49% |
10,678,138 |
|
3 |
Muslim |
1.93% |
535,489 |
|
4 |
Christian |
1.26% |
348,230 |
|
5 |
Jain |
0.16% |
45,040 |
|
6 |
Buddhist |
0.12% |
33,237 |
Caste wise percentage in Punjab - The caste composition of Punjab
shows a diverse social structure across various categories. The General
category constitutes about 40-45% of the population, including nearly 25-30%
(Sikhs and Hindus both). Scheduled Castes (Dalits) form about 31.9% of the
population, comprising groups like Mazhabi Sikhs (10%), the
Ramdasia–Ravidassia–Ad-Dharmi (13.1%), Balmiki/Bhangi (3.5%), Bazigar (1.05%),
and other communities such as Sansi, Chimba, and Julaha (around 4%). Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) account for approximately 15-20% of the population and
include communities such as Sainis, Kamboj, Labana, Tarkhan/Ramgarhia, Kumhar,
Gujjar, Nai, Teli, Banjara, and others.
Dalit politics in Punjab till Independence in 1947 – Babasaheb Ambedkar’s arrival on the political firmament and emergence of assertive moments like Ad-dhram Mandal of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia in 1920s set the ball rolling. The developments in the decades of 1930s and later till Independence – Recognition of Ad-dharm in 1931 census, PM Ramsey MacDonald’s Communal Award of 1932 providing Separate Electorates, Poona Pact of 1932 signed between Babasaheb Ambedkar and Caste Hindus led by Mahatma
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Gandhi providing for Reservations instead of Separate Electorates, India Act of 1935 and Elections of 1937 and 1945 further set the direction and parameters of Dalit politics with All India SCs Federation (AISCF) of Babasaheb Ambedkar with leaders like Seth Kishan Dass, Charan Dass Nidhadak, Duni Chand Shahpuri, Gopal Singh Khalsa among others, Ad-dharm Mandal of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia and, of course, the Congress Party with political personalities namely; Prithvi Singh Azad, Master Gurbanta Singh, Chaudhary Sunder Singh, Yashwant Rai, inter alia. It is clear that till independence, the Dalit outfits like AISCF and Ad-dhram Mandal claimed to represent Dalits on one hand and the Congress Party, the main stream of Indian politics, on the other.
Post-Independence scenario – The AISCF merged its identity into RPI, brainchild of Babasaheb Ambedkar formally floated immediately after his demise in 1956. The Ad-dhram Movement fizzled out in spite of the fact that its mentor Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia tried to pick up the threads but could not do much. Congress Party consolidated it hold on the Dalit vote banks under the Punjab leaders; Master Sadhu Ram, Master Gurbanta Singh, Gurmail Singh, Choudhary Chand Ram, Darshan Singh Kaypee owing allegiance to Babu Jagjivan Ram. The Sikhs including SC Sikhs under the umbrella of SAD started making inroads into Dalit strongholds with the support of Ajit Kumar of Ludhiana and Dr. Bhagat Singh among others. RPI with its mass mobilizations made a dent in the first half of 1960s. The Akalis also involved Sikh Dalits; Dhnna Singh Gulson, Basant Khalsa, Harinder Khalsa, Charanjit Singh Atwal etc. in its fold. The Punjabi Suba issue and creation of Haryana changed the scenario – RPI got divided, on the issue of Punjabi Suba, between the supporters; Piara Ram Dhanowalia,
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| Lahori Ram Balley |
Gurcharan Singh among others and opponents led by Lahori Ram Balley and his associates like Hazara Ram Bodhi etc. Congress Party consolidated its grip on Dalit vote banks by attracting grass root leaders like Jagat Ram, Ram Rattan, Gurmail Singh, Buta Singh, Piara Ram Dhanowalia, Raj Kumar Verka among others. RPI lost its track and became dormant. Babu Kanshi Ram came on the scene in 1980s and registered its presence with an élan with leaders like Satnam Kainth, Mohan Singh Phalianwala, Avtar Karimpuri, Shingara Ram Shahoongra among others but count not maintain the momentum. Many of its trained cadres and young leaders like Avinash Chander, Pawan Tinu, Baldev Khaira, Sukhjinder Sukhi, Sukhwinder Kotli ditched the BSP and joined other parties. The Sad and BJP attracted these Dalit leaders at
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| Shingara Ram Shahoongra |
the cost of BSP and Congress. The Akalis promoted turncoats like Pawan Tinu, Baldev Khaira, Avinash Chander. While BJP attracted new talent in Vijay Sampla, Swarna Ram, Bhagat Chunni Lal, Som Parkash, Rajesh Bagha, Jagmohan Raju among others and gave them plum positions, Congress Party on the other hand tried to consolidate Dalit support by investing in the families of Master Gurbanta Singh and Buta Singh, Sunder Singh and encouraging freshers like Mohinder singh Kaypee, Charanjit Singh Channi, Sushil Rinku, Raj Kumar Chhabbewal, Surinder Kaur etc. The AAP merged on the political firmament of Punjab in mid 2010s and made a big dent in the Punjab politics. Some new players like Harpal Cheema, Bodh Ram, Mohinder Bhagat among other
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| Mohinder Bhagat |
emerged. Some fence sitters and opportunists due to political machinations and compulsions jumped on the bandwagon of AAP and created avoidable confusion. As a result, by now, no Dalit political leadership in Punjab is in sight which has resulted a big vacuum; detrimental to the interests and concerns of Dalit masses. The situation is so fluid that most of the Dalit leadership does not know what to do and where to go? The spiritual Deras of Dalits have further added to the confusion as to what is their agenda and how to pursue that? The political parties, dominated by the caste Hindus tend to exploit the situation by manipulating the half educated ‘coteries’ controlling the Deras and the Gaddi Nasheens. I am writing this with pain at the back of my mind but somebody has to say the truth. Unfortunately, there is an utter confusion. This confusion suits the ruling elites as it negates the slogan of Babu Kanshi Ram – Vote Hamara Raj Tumhara – Nahin Chalega Nahin Chalega. With this background, I can safely conclude that, in the given situation, Dalits cannot aspire to get their due share in the pie and chairs of authority
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| Charanjit Sigh Channi |
in the corridors of power in Chandigarh. The dalit political outfits like BSP are dormant and there is no hope that they can stand up and claim their share. The other parties are interested in keeping Dalits with them by offering some crumbs and loaves as usual. The demographic dividend is not available to Dalits in spite of the dictum – One Vote – One value. The system has been manipulated to such an extent that it has negated the vision of our forefathers as stipulated in the Constitution of India. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia and Babu Kanshi Ram, wherever they are, must be sad and worried about the situation.
Can a Dalit political outfit come to power in Punjab? – The answer, straight way, is both ‘No’ and ‘Yes’ to my mind. First ‘No’ – It is because of the factors and scenario explained above that is disunity and division in Dalit communities on the basis of religions and counter currents; among Hindus and Sikhs, the caste system and Manuwadi Vivastha, conversation to Buddhism to follow Babasaheb Ambedkar, under-currents of Ad-dharm and Ravidassia dharm. These are the divisive attributes of the prevailing scenario which suits the ruling elites of Hindus and Sikhs both. With this, they push Dalits to the margins and fringes of the socio-political edifice. The Dalit voice gets diluted on the bases affiliations to political parties controlled and
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| Sushil Rinku |
run by the caste Hindus and Sikhs.. Dalit representatives, MLAs and MPs, have no say in the legislatures and parliament and also in the corridors of power and decision making fora. It will remain so, to my mind, till the Reservations (Empowerment and Affirmative provisions) remain in place; especially political reservations. Political reservation, to my mind, has outlived its efficacy and utility. It has resulted in creating ‘Stooges – Chamchas’ as termed by Babu Kanshi Ram. It will be good if political reservations are stopped. The real face of the caste ridden society will come to the fore – both Dalits and the Caste Thekedars will know where do we stand. There is every possibility that it might trigger the much needed change and even lead to socio-political democratic revolution. There is no other way out. The second preposition ‘Yes’ – Dalits can grab power through democratic means only on the vision of Babu Kanshi Ram – Vote Hamara – Raj Tumhara; Nahin Chalega - Nahin Chalega and Jis Ki Jitni Sankhiya Bhari – Utni Us Ki Hissedari. It also directly relates to Babasaheb Ambedkar’s vision as stipulated in the Constitution – One Vote – One Value. It means that Dalits need to unite and stand under the umbrella of their unified political outfit with the support and association of OBCs and minorities like Buddhists and Muslims, Christians and also economically weaker sections of the society; landless laborers in the rural areas. The demographic data given above, on the bases of 2011 census, clearly shows that Dalits and OBCs with minorities like Buddhists, Christians and Muslims form around 50% of the population - (Caste Hindus and Sikhs or General Category – 40-45%; Dalits – 32%; OBCs – 15-20%, Buddhists – 0.12%, Christians – 1.26% and Muslims – 1,93%. With this, Dalits can form their own government in Punjab or at least, to begin with, acquire deciding position for the formation of any government as a ‘Kingmaker’. Both the scenarios would ensure their due share in the pie and loud and clear voice in the higher echelons of decision making.
What could be done – a prognosis? - Punjab is the state having large population of Dalits with about 35% and if the OBC population is added it comes to more than 50%. Why should they not aspire to sit on the driving wheel of the state? But the ground reality is that it could not happen so far and would not happen in the near future,
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given the socio-political and also economic realities of the society and the polity. Some ‘Out of the box’ thinking and action is needed to set the things in its perspective. Of late, it is gratifying to note that the much needed awareness and awaken on one hand and the requisite socio-political wherewithal with the Dalit communities is fast emerging to address the issues of ‘Partnership – Hissedari’ in power structures as visualized by Babasaheb Ambedkar and Babu Kanshi Ram on the other. Punjab may start the process of socio-political transformation or revolution one may like to call. Dalits, OBCs with the minorities in the State should float a political outfit as a counter-weight to the bigger players like Congress, SAD, AAP, and BJP. BSP has already lost its appeal and connect and should be invited to join the proposed new dispensation
. If it is considered to concentrate on Punjab alone, Punjab should be added to the name; for example - Bahujan Samaj of Punjab (BSP) or Federation of Punjab Dalits and OBCs etc. If it is intended to spread the wings of the new outfit to the neighboring states in North India the name could be – Democratic Samta Dal or Samajik Bhaichara Front etc. Anyway, it is not a big issue, it could be decided by the political Pandits of the civil society of Dalits and OBCs when they join hands as my prognosis assign a definite role to the civil society in this regard.
How shall we go about? – The civil society of Dalits, OBCs, Muslims, Christians, and Buddhists of Punjab should take the lead to bring around the intelligentsia, academics, retired senior bureaucracy, professionals – doctors, Engineers and others, businessmen, socio-political activists. A sort Think Tank - pressure group, core group, caucus should be created formally or informally, to begin with, to prepare a ‘Non-paper’ on the subject which could be circulated among the said civil society. And accordingly, a meeting should be convened to which stakeholder (political players), in addition to the said Think Tank, from various political parties may be invited. It will set the ball rolling and further details and the road map may be chalked out. This is the only way to get our due share and space in the power structures taking advantage of the dictum: One Vote –
One Value otherwise Dalits and OBCs would remain sitting on the margins as the ruling elites tend to continue. All political parties are wooing Dalit vote banks to carry forward their limited and selfish agendas. The hapless Dalit masses attached to the Deras are vulnerable and their soft targets. The Dera leaderships are ill-equipped to understand their machinations. Dalits should not be oblivious of their inherit strength unleashed by the affirmative and empowerment provisions enshrined in the Constitution of India by Babasaheb Ambedkar with great struggle and difficulties. It is time to stand up and march forward. I have taken the liberty of writing this long narration not as a political analyst but as a humble stakeholder in the process as a Dalit.
Mujhe Lorian De Rahen Hain Sabhi,
Kyon Ki Karbat Ley Raha Hai Zamana
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