The Indian Census – The Dalit Perspective

The Indian Census – The Dalit Perspective

The upcoming Census, 2027 presents an important aspect of the emerging socio-political scenario with regard to the Scheduled Castes commonly called Dalits. Here are the key parameters which

intersect with Dalit populations. The term Dalit is used for those who were so called "untouchables" and others that were outside of the traditional Hindu caste hierarchy.

Official Classification: Dalits are officially recognized in government records as Scheduled Castes (SCs), a category that currently enumerates Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist Dalits. The 2011 Census officially logged over 201 million SCs.

The 2027 Census: The upcoming decennial count will expand its demographic scope, with plans to collect broader socio-economic and caste details. This broader enumeration has sparked debate within Dalit communities regarding how to balance specific caste identities with religious identity to protect state benefits (Reservations).

Conversion and Status: Disclosing conversion to Christianity or Islam can affect legal access to state benefits and reservations tied to the traditional Dalit/SC identity.

I will confine my study only to Dalits as, of late; it has been observed that this time Dalits of various denominations are slowly getting more vocal about their identity separate from that of Hindus and Sikhs. Though the enumeration in the census is being done on the basis of constitutional provisions with regard to religion and caste and as such only; Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Muslims, Christians and other smaller denominations yet Dalits are presenting
their case as a separate entity and identity in view of the historical background of Hindu hierarchy and struggle of oppressed and depressed people – so called untouchables, SCs, Dalits etc. My recent informal interaction with some of the concerned and knowledgeable intellectuals of the Dalit community; Manohar

Mahey, Sat Paul Virdi, Balbir Chander, Gian Kaul, Harmesh Jassal, Baldev Bhardwaj, Sohan Sehjal, Harbans Virdee, Charan Dass Sandhu, Varindra Kumar, Paramjit Mahey among others presenting Ad-dharm (Moolnivasi), Ravidassia Religion, Buddhism, has thrown some the facts about the Census and the Dalit communities. I will try to put across these with my own observations not as an academic or expert but as a concerned citizen and member of the Dalit community.

Going by the current scenario, there are, to my mind, the following four prepositions for the so called Dalits which require consideration and action. One may find my views untraditional and may not find easy understanding but someone has to state the reality - 

1.   Remain Hindus as Born

– Majority of Dalits, due to ignorance and backwardness, do not pay much attention and consideration to the issue and are totally oblivious of their Hindu identity. They remain what they are as they were born to Hindu parents. They, knowingly or otherwise, remain with the main stream of the society that is Hinduism. It is a fact that Hinduism did not treat, the so called ‘Untouchables or Outcastes’ outside the Varna System of Manu, well for centuries together. Right from the Saints of the Bhakti Movement of 15-16th century to down the lines to Babasaheb Ambedkar till mid 1930s tried their best to reform Hindu religion and integrate the so called Dalits to the main stream of the Hindu society as equal partners. But they failed miserably as the very edifice of Hindu society is based on graded inequality as ordained in Manusmriti and other Hindu scriptures. Political developments, in the run up to India’s independence, in the contemporary times starting from the establishment of Ad-dhram Mandal in 1926 and acceptance of its demand to include Ad-dhram as a religion in the Census of 1931 as a distinct (non-Hindu)  identity of Dalits, the Round Table Conferences in London in the early years of 1930s, Communal Award of PM Ramsey MacDonald in 1932 providing separate electorates to Dalits, Poona Pact of 1932 signed between the caste Hindus led by Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar, India Act of 1935 and finally the Constitution of independent India which came into effect in January 1950, changed the socio-political and also socio-religious scenario with adopting the cardinal principles of Secularism, Socialism and Democracy in the constitution. Dalits are empowered and they are trying their best to stand up and claim their rightful place in the socio-political space both in the polity a society. Though the caste discrimination still persists yet Dalits have tended to show their resolve to oppose the discrimination tooth and nail. It is almost certain that things would come to head if the so called upper castes and main stream of the

society don’t come around and respect Dalits and bring about Samrasta as visualized by RSS and other right wing Hindu outfits. The ground realities are fast coming to surface that Dalits are no more interested in remaining at the margins of the society. They are ready to fight from within and stand for their equal space and ground in the society as Hindus.  The caste Hindus need to go an extra mile in this regard coming out of the lip service., if they are interested in keeping the Hindu citadel safe and secure. This was the scenario one.

Mein Nahin Sandesh SwaragKa Laya

Is Bhutal Ko Hi Swarag Banane Aya

 

2.    Independent Identity as Ad-dharmi (Moolnivasi) – The second proposition for Dalits is to assert themselves and claim separate identity (Non-Hindus) as the original inhabitants of India, separate from Aryans who came from outside India and subjugated the original inhabitants; Dalits (outside the Varna system of Hindus)–

Ad-dharmis or Moolvivasis. It is not a new or concept and has historical context. Dravids in the South represented by Periyar Ramsamy Naicker and Dalits represented by Ad-dhram Mandal of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia established in June, 1926 (Some months ahead of RSS). The Ad-dharm Mandal has as all the ingredients and parameters (Jhnda, Book, Slogan, Salutation, Agenda, Roadmap) to qualify as an outfit to claim separate identity for Dalits separate from Hindus and even other denominations like Sikhs (recent offshoots from Hinduism). The British rulers, in their own wisdom, and historical oppression and suppression of Dalits by the caste hierarchies of Hindus, recognized the claims of Ad-dharm Mandal in 1931 Census and enumerated them as Ad—dhramis. The caste-Hindus opposed it tooth and nail but failed. The subsequent developments as explained in the first proposition above changed the entire scenario. The Hindu leadership led by Mahatma Gandhi, Madan Mohan Malviya to begin with and later the Hindu leadership of RSS/Jan Sangh/BJP and their affiliates, by hook and crook, succeeded in making Dalits as an appendix of the main stream of the society to save Hinduism. They succeeded in cheating and

blackmailing even Babasaheb Ambedkar in the Poona Pact and later prevailed upon him in the framing of the Constitution to appropriate Dalits as an integral part of Hindus. Babasaheb Ambedkar, a nationalist to the core and a visionary leader did his best in the given circumstances to save the country from divisive tendencies in the larger interests of the society at large. Dalits are to decide themselves these important aspects as bonafide Indian citizens who intend to live with human dignity, not as an appendix of the oppressive society, under the shelter of the Constitution of India. According 2011 Census, there were 201.4 million Dalits in India. In addition to it, Dalits live in peripheral countries like Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan and also in countries in Europe, Canada, USA, and New Zealand among others. I recall an Urdu couplet –

Jo Dil Mein Hai; Woh Kehne Ki Himmat Kyon Nahin Karte

 Nahin Manjoor Hai Manjar; To Bagabat Kyon Nahin Karte

 

3.   Buddhism

– The third prop open to Dalits is to convert and embrace Buddhism. It was the stream chosen by Babasaheb Ambedkar after he got frustrated and could not reform Hinduism in the 1930s. In 1936, he pronounced that he was born a Hindu and it was not in his hands but will not as a Hindu which was in his hands. He took more than 20 years to fulfill his solemn pledge and formally embraced Buddhism at Nagpur (Diksha Bhoomi) on October 14, 1956 along with several lakhs of his followers. It was an epoch making development in the socio-religious realm not only in India but beyond too. It was the revival of Buddhism in India. His treatise on Buddhism – Buddha and His Dhamma is an authoritative account of Buddhism explained for the masses. Babasaheb was a man of vision and knowledge. He explained fully as to why he had taken this step to shed the scourge of graded inequality perpetuated in the society in the name of tenants of Manusamriti and other Hindu texts. From the day one of his embracing of Buddhism, Babasaheb started the work of making India ‘Buddhmai’ and motivated his followers to follow suit. He thoughtfully prepared the roadmap in this regard including taking help and support of Buddhist outfits in India and abroad. But it was not to be; he passed away (Parinirvana) on December 6, 1956 in less than two months of his starting the historic journey as a

Boddhisatava. The conditions and climate changed; the lofty idea got a big jolt. The followers of Babasaheb mostly in Maharashtra followed by UP and Punjab picked the threads and tried to spread the idea but could not make any headway. As of now there are only less than 90 lakh Buddhists in India, a negligible figure in a country of 150 crorers. Meanwhile, the main stream of the society playing their usual card appropriated the Neo-Buddhists to their fold, as they did with the SC Sikhs earlier, by extending the provisions of Reservation to the Buddhists in 1990. The Hindu scheming lot even declared Gautama the Buddha as the Incarnation (Avtar) of Hindu deity Vishnu. Buddhists seem to be happy as an appendix of Hindus as SCs as they were. This preposition for Dalits to be Buddhists has no merit, to my mind. I am afraid many of my friends in the Ambedkarite circles will not like my candid views but we need to be pragmatic and truthful and even ‘Tarksheel’ in the light of what Buddha said ‘Apna Deepak Aap Bano – Be your own light’.

 

Jo Ashiana Sakhay Nazuk Pe Banega; Na-paydar Hoga

 

R Ravidassia Dhram – This is fourth and last prop – Ravidassia Religion floated by Dera Sachkhand Ballan of Jalandhar in the wake of tragic and unfortunate incidents in Vienna (Austria) in May, 2009 in which Sant Ramanand was martyred by some Sikh fundamentalists and the present Head (Gaddi Nasheen) of the Dera, Sant Niranjan Dass was seriously wounded but survived. Ravidassia Dhram was formally launched in February, 2010 with ‘Har’ as its Singnia  and Amritbani (Verses of Guru Ravidass) as its holy Granth. The Ravidassia Dharm is an independent religion established by

Dera Sach Khand Ballan, a prominent spiritual dera located in the village of Ballan, near Jalandhar, Punjab. It was formally declared to give the Ravidassia community a distinct religious identity. It was a jerk reaction of the Ad-dhrami community to give way to the pent up emotions against the Sikhs and notionally against the Hindus. Before this, Dera was adhering to the Sikh tenants as per the teachings of Guru Granth Sahib. I can easily say, as said it in 2010 too even at the risk of annoying many of my friends and fellow Ad-dhrmis; Ravidassia Dharm was a thoughtless and uncalled for step taken in hurry. It has, to my mind, further divided the community and has confined Dalits only to so called Chamars/Ad-dharmis of Hindu extraction. It has alienated Sikhs – Mazabi and Ravidassia extraction. The new Dhram has negated the idea and principles of Ad-dhram Mandal, an inclusive prop of Identity to the entire Dalit communities, of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia of which Sant Sarwan Dass of Sachkhand Ballan was a founding father. Dera Sachkhand Ballan had been the votary and proponent of Ad-dharm Movement right up to mid1970s when at a meeting at Ballan under the stewardship of Sant Sarwan Dass, Seth Khushi Ram, one of my fellow BootanMandians was appointed as the President of the outfit to carry forward the agenda of Dalit Identity to assert for our due space in the society. I am sorry to say that Ravidassia Dharm has distracted the community from getting united and struggle for its rights and space in the society at large. My friends in the community who support Ravidassia Dharm, as far as I know, has not done anything worthwhile under the current legal and procedural arrangements, to register and promote the newly floated outfit except talking in the air once in a while mainly as giving way to their emotionally charged minds. It has not taken them anywhere. My simple question as a layman is: Did Dera Sachkhand Ballan raise the issue of registration and recognition in the Census with PM Narendra Modi when he visited the Dera in February, 2026 and before that when Sant Niranjan Dass, the Gaddi Nasheen, met the PM at his residence last year? If yes, what was his response? If not, why not? I think, Ravidassia Dharm is not the answer to the requirements of dignified life and space in the society. Dalits would remain an appendix of Hindus as we are. Ravidassia Dharm has no locus standi in the matter. Let us be pragmatic and find our way forward in the current socio-political situation in the country.

Andhi Ke Jhonkon Se; Jhuk Jayen Jis Tehjibo Tammadun Ki Sakhaine

Hum Aisi Nazuk Sakhaon Per; Tamire Nasheman Kya Karte

The Prognosis - All said and done, let us proceed towards the prognosis as to what should be done to strengthen the social fabric of the Indian society on one hand and get due space and share and dignified identity to Dalits, the marginalized sections of the society as stipulated and visualized by our forefathers led by Babasaheb Ambedkar in the Constitution of India and the relevant statues of India that is Bharat. Most of the Dalits are landless and economically weak Hindus. If we really intend to make India that is Bharat belong “We the people of India’ as enshrined in the Constitution of India, we need to make the India an inclusive and all-embracing society; secular, socialist, democratic. With this background, Dalits, to my mind, have only two options; ad-seriatim –

1.    Remain as Hindus - Dalits are Hindus and should remain so unless and until anyone of them does not voluntarily opt to convert to some other stream like; Islam. Christianity, Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism or any other. Though as of now Dalits are still fighting for their due space and dignified life in the Hindu fold due to historic inhuman and condemnable Manuwadi system yet now a days Dalits are getting fully empowered to challenge and undo the nefarious designs to keep Dalits marginalized. Thanks to the winds of change due to the matching provisions in the Constitution and the very edifice of the Indian polity and society based on the cardinal principles of ‘Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. In the 19th century, the Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj and the Ramakrishna Mission actively participated in the campaign of the rights of Dalits besides many more reform movements. Babasaheb Ambedkar furthered and cemented the campaign by codifying the reform agenda in the Constitution itself. Dalits are fully capable of defending themselves with or without the so called Upper Castes.  Dalits will be Hindus at their own terms; it should be clear to the main stream of the Hindu society, if India is to transform to Bharat. If the caste Hindus will not understand this ground reality, they will do so at their own peril. Dalits are no more interested in remaining as second rate citizens and degraded human beings under any dispensation. Manuwad has to be eradicated, annihilated and buried and Dalits shall live as equal partners and stakeholders both in the polity and society.

Masjid To Baa Di Pal bhar Mein; Iman Ki Hararat Walon Ne

Man Apna Purana Papi Hai; Barson Se Namazi Ban Na Saka

Iqbal Bada Updeshak Hai; Man Baton Se Moh Leta Hai

Guftar Ka To Yeh Gazi Bana; Kirdar Ka Gazi Ban Na Saka 

2.    Distinct and separate Identity as Ad-dharmis (Moolnivasi) – Many well to do Dalits somehow feel, may be rightly so, that they cannot get due respect and dignity in Hindusism and even in Sikhism and must get their distinct identity as Ad-dharmis (Moolnivasis). The Ad-dhram Movement started by Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia in Punjab in 1926 in the North of India and the Dravid Movement of Periyar Ramsamy Naicar in Tamil Nadu in the South floated the idea and carried forward through

the available legal procedures and by motivating the Dalit masses. In the 1931 Census, the British authorities recognized Ad-dharm as a separate entity separate from the Hindus. But the subsequent developments in the run up to reform in the Hindu society and independence of like: the Communal Award of 1932 providing separate electorates to Dalits, Poona Pact signed between Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar providing for Reservations to Dalits instead of Separate Electorates, Elections in 1937 in which Ad-dharm Mandal and its allies won about 10 seats in the Punjab Assembly, Abolishment of untouchability in the laws of the land, Empowerment and Affirmative provisions in the Constitution of India, Ambedkar’s embracing of Buudhism in 1956 tended to negate the agenda of the Ad-dharm Movement. In the process slowly the Movement became dormant in spite of the renewed endeavors of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia to revive the A-dharm Movement, it could not be sustained. Hindus, mindfully and tactfully, succeeded in appropriating Ad-dharm as a caste under the Hindu fold. If Dalits still feel strongly enough that there is no future for them in Hinduism as Hindus are not seriously and sincerely engaged to establish a casteless society and integrate Dalits with the main stream of the society as equal partners and stakeholders, they may consider and demand their separate Identity as Ad-dharmis (Moolnivasis). They are free to do so under the constitutional and civic norms as their demographic share is considerable enough to hold their demand – more than 25 crorers with almost 20% of the total Hindu population in the country. What let us see how could it be done? Is it that simple? The answer is big No. There is no Babu Mango Ram Mugowalia, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Periyar Ramasamy Naicker, Babu Kanshi Ram around. The Dalit leadership is divided among the Ad-dharmi, Ravidassias, Mazahbis, Kabirpanthis, Buddhists, Balmikis etc. under their several political hues and colors. The political reservations have made the political leadership ‘Stooges – Chamchas’ as termed by Babu Kanshi Ram. Dalit spiritual Deras are confused and are self-centered outfits. The Gaddi Nasheens and their coteries are contented by adding to their real estates and enjoying gun-wielding security rings around them provided by the governments. All these Deras, unfortunately, have become dens of self-seekers without any vision. They are not interested in engaging with the intelligentsia and academia of the community to chalk out the framework and roadmap for the identity of the Dalit masses. This is a painful narration but it is the truth speaking of ground realities. I have no intension to hurt the feelings of anyone as I am a simple and ordinary among them. If Dalits are to stand up and ask for their due, the only remedy is to take shelter under Babasaheb Ambedkar’s dictum – Educate, Agitate and Organize: Educate ourselves of the Dasha and Disha of the community, Agitate in our minds  to study and identify the root causes of our backwardness and Organise to struggle and fight for our rights. It might require us to take our struggle to the corridors of power in New Delhi, chambers of decision making in the Parliament, chambers of justice in the courts and even to the streets for peaceful and

democratic expression of freedoms. In a democratic set up, the principle of ‘One vote one value’ has a lot of weight. Following the jargon of Babu Kanshi Ram – Vote Hamara Raj Tumhara; Nahin Chalega Nahin Chalega’; prepare yourself to grab political power through the constitutional means and process laid down by no one else but your own icon, Babasaheb Ambedkar. If we are prepared to do this, we have every right to ask for our own space and identity in the society. Otherwise the whole system – Tantar is heavily molded and titled towards the vested interests to keep Dalits under subjugation as long as possible. The divided and fragmented Dalits suit the oppressors to perpetuate their hold both on the polity and society. Dalits need to stand up and do themselves; nobody will help them, as a practicing diplomat, I may say it in diplomatic parlance, “No lunch is free in diplomacy.”

Tu Pehle Baat; Phir Baat Ka Andaz Paida Kar

Phir Tujhe duniyan Mein; Koi Nazar Andaz Kar Nahin Sakta

In conclusion, I may write again that it is a cursory overview by a layman before Dalits approach the forthcoming census as it would affect them greatly in the decades to come. I recall an Urdu couplet of Allama Iqbal: -

Na pūchho mujh se lazzat ḳhānamāñ-barbād rahne kī

Nasheman saikḌoñ maiñ ne banā kar phūñk Daale haiñ

        

 

The Centenary Year of Ad-dharm Mandal (1926-2026)

 

The Centenary Year of Ad-dharm Mandal (1926-2026)

The Ad-dharm Mandal, which later was turned into a Movement, was floated and established on June 11-12, 1926 at the village Mugowal in Tehsil Garhshankar of District Hoshiarpur of the Doaba region of Punjab, of its founder Gadri Baba Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia. It was the churn of events and socio-political scenario exciting at the times in the 1920s which motivated and cajoled the Gadarite Baba and his associates to come forward and lead the depressed and oppressed segments of the society from the front. One can imagine, it can’t be a coincident that the RSS was formally formed in October, 1926, a few months after the formation of the Ad-dharm Mandal and launch of Samata Sainik Dal by Babasaheb Ambedkar around the same time. It only registers, to my mind, the vision of the founders of Ad-dharm Mandal led by Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia. It is a matter great pride and satisfaction for me that two of my fellow BootaMandians; Seth Kishan Dass and Seth Sunder Dass were actively associated with the formation of Ad-dharm Mandal and remained with it in its struggle to get a distinct identity to the socially and economically marginalized sections of the society in the run up to India’s freedom from the British in 1947. The Ad Dharm Mandal was a pioneering socio-religious and political movement aimed at establishing an independent, distinct identity for Dalits (Mulnivasis), it successfully mobilized the community, instilled self-respect, and campaigned for land and political rights of the oppressed and depressed sections of

the society which are called SCs or Dalis in the current parlance. As its core ideology; it sought to liberate "untouchables" from the caste-based Hindu social order by framing Dalits as the original inhabitants (Mulnivasis) of the region with their own rich history and culture. The movement provided Dalits with their own distinct religious symbols, prayers, and greetings (such as Jai Guru Dev). Denting the political scene, it registered over half a million followers in the 1931 census and won 7 out of 8 reserved seats in the 1937 Punjab Legislative Assembly elections. With the cooperation of Seth Kishan Dass and Seth Sunder Dass of Bootan Mandi among others, the Head Office of Ad-dharam Mandal was first located at Bootan Mandi (as stated in the Google search) which was later shifted permanently to Kishanpura  (a locality near the Jalandhar Railway Station) which now houses Guru Ravidass Senior Secondary School run by the family of Master Gurbanta Singh, a Congress Party leader and associate of Babu Mabu Ram Mugowalia in the early years of Ad-dharm Mandal’s establishment in 1926.  Babu Mangu Ram worked closely with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, sending telegrams to support him during the Round Table Conferences in London as leader of the depressed classes as against the claims of Mahatma Gandhi. Many people may not know that Sant Sarwan Dass of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, a prominent dera of the community, was an ardent supporter of Ad-dharm Mandal who closely worked with Babu Mangu Ram and Babasaheb Ambedkar with regard to the community matters.The movement revolutionized the social fabric of Punjab's Doaba region and beyond by securing basic human rights, demanding fair wages, and ending practices like forced, unpaid labor (Begar). The Memorandum submitted by Ad-Dharam Mandal on October 12, 1929 to His Excellency Sir Geoffrey Fitz Hervey De Montmorency, the then Governor of Punjab was the first attempt for the amelioration of the lot of down trodden Community and has been rightly hailed as the "Manga Carta" in the historic struggle for eradication of untouchability and inequality. Justice Ishar Dass Pawar, a close associate of Babu Mango Ram and the intellectual face of Ad-dharm Mandal rightly wrote, “Babu Mangu Ram will be long remembers as the devoted pioneer in the crusade against social and political injustice. He fought relentlessly even in the face of crippling heavy odds for the achievements of the goal. Whatever rights we have been able to snatch so far is entirely due to these great men. There is needed to look back lest we should forget our benefactors-the brave soldiers who fought our battles.” Babu Mangu Ram was a visionary leader. He took into confidence his colleagues, Gadarite Babas, and started the struggle to uplift his brethren with their blessings as stated by one of the staunch supporters of the Movement, G.S.Bal, ”Babu M.R. Mugowalia wrote to the Ghadar Party headquarters in San Fransisco about the difficult conditions of the Untouchables in India. He wrote them that their freedom was more important to him than Indian freedom. According to Babu Mugowalia, leaders of the Ghadar Party then disengaged him to work with Scheduled castes (Untouchables), and wrote him that they would support him in his tasks. Thus, in a new context, the old revolutionary from Fresno continued the Ghadar spirit. This clearly shows that even Ghadarites had realized the need to awaken these slaves of Indian Society, the then untouchables.” Considering the importance and relevance of Ad-dhram Movement, many intellectuals and scholars like Mark Juergensmeyer, Gail Omvelt

among others have written about the sterling role of the Ad-dhram  and Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia Movement for the benefit of the students f history and Dalit movements. Prof Ronki Ram has rightly said, “Like all other integral segments of the syncretic Punjabi qaum, the Punjabi SCs are well known for their valour in the missions of the Khalsa armies of Guru Gobind Singh against regimes of injustice and social oppression. The desire for a life of dignity prompted them in the second half of 1920s, to organize themselves under the Ad Dharm movement, the maiden movement of the Untouchables in pre-Partition Punjab, launched 11-12 June 1926. The Ad Dharm movement ran parallel to but independent of various other contemporary Adi movements that emerged in the rest of India.” The role and contribution of the Ad-dham Movement and its founder, Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia in socio-political reforms of India has been fairly recorded by the historians and scholars and rightly so.

All said, it is a matter of regret to note that Dalits particularly of Punjab and more pertinently of the Doaba region have forgotten, it seems, the important milestone in the history of Dalit Movements in India; the Centenary Year of the Ad-dhram Mandal. Babasaheb Ambedkr himself said that those who forget their history cannot make history. I have not noticed much activity except the planned celebrations and commemorations at Khuralgarh Sahib in Hoshiarpur by the All India Ad-dharm Movement on June 11-12, 2026. I have also glanced through a book by Dr. Gurmeet Kallarmajri – Gadri Baba Mangu Ram Mugowalia Atey Ad-dhram which has been dedicated to the Centenary Year of Ad-dharm Mandal. Editor in Chief of the Ambedkar Times Group of Publications of USA, Prem

Chumber has been doing a lot to keep the memory of Ad-dhram Maovement and Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia. More should come forward to consolidate and preserve the legacy of the Movement. I conclude it here by thanking All India Ad-dharm Movement for the initiative taken in this regard and also submitting my proposal of claiming and reviving the Headquarters of Ad-dharm Mandal at Mohalla Kishanpura in Jalandhar for consideration and action by All India Ad-dhram Movement and followers of Ad-dhram. The details of the claim may be accessed from my blog of January 23, 2024   given below:

https://diplomatictitbits.blogspot.com/2024/01/call-to-redeem-history-and-glory-of-ad.html

Nahin Minnatkash-e-Taab-e-Shaneedan Dastan Meri
Khamoshi Guftugu Hai, Be-Zubani Hai Zuban Meri

(My story is not indebted to the patience of being heard
My silence is my talk, my speechlessness is my speech)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

My Dreams – An Autobiography – Book

My Dreams – An Autobiography – Book

One fine day, some days ago, my friend Harmesh Jassal dropped in and presented me a book of Raj Paul of the UK published and distributed recently by Malind Prakashan, an outfit managed and run by Harmesh Jassal himself. It is a small booklet - My Dreams (Autobiography) of Raj Paul comprising of 72 pages and also some colored photos of Raj Paul’s life and work over the years. Frankly

speaking there is nothing much to write about the book as such but my indulgence in community matters and my pastime of writing blogs made me sit and write about the book Raj Paul of Kartarpur (his native place in Jalandhar) who kept himself associated with the community as a staunch follower of Babasaheb Ambedkar and a devout Buddhist while earning his bread and butter with dignity in the UK. I appreciate Raj Paul’s endeavors as many of our people don’t pay much attention to the things healthy for the mind and soul.

Coming to the narration of the book, the author, Raj Paul himself has given the justification for writing the account of his life and work in the Introduction of the book. Frankly speaking, there is not much write about the book as it is but the sheer grit and dedication of Raj Paul to carry with him the lofty mission of Babasaheb Ambedkar to the UK and keep himself engaged with it for the benefit and advantage of the community motivated me to write about this. Reading the book, I noted that author is the nephew of the then known socio-economic personality of the community in Kartarpur, Tulsi Ram Paul who was duly known and recognized in Bootan Mandi, the nerve center of Dalit consciousness along with yet another, Bhana Ram (Bhana Mantri). Raj Paul has devoted the book

to the details of life and mission of Babasaheb Ambedkar and rightly so. Dalits of the Doaba region of Punjab remained ahead in migration and mobility for greener pastures. Father of the author, Bishan Dass first moved to Singapore as a spring board to land in England in 1957. Raj Paul moved to England in 1961 and spent his young formative years in schools and work places as an apprentice. He got married to one Nashatar Kaur in 1971 who moved to England with her parents as a young lass but never when to school. It gives a glimpse to the socio-cultural life of migrants from Punjab; even in England the parents did not care about the education of their children and remained busy n earning Pounds to send back home and purchase properties. Anyway, it is yet another aspect of life.  It was a matter of satisfaction for Raj Paul that in accordance with his insistence; he was permitted to marry Nashatar Kaur with Buddhist rites and ceremonies. The author engaged himself with Dr. Ambedkar Memorial Committee of Great Britain and became its General Secretary in 1976 and remained at the helm of the esteemed Committee for more than 30 years holding positions of General Secretary and President. It is not a mean achievement and should be recognized as such. Raj Paul played a pivotal role in establishing Buddha Viharas and Babasaheb Ambedkar Memorials both in England and back home in Punjab and beyond. One may easily note from the narration that Raj Paul consciously and diligently developed and nurtured the community relations with our political leadership aligned with Babasaheb Ambedkar like Babu Kanshi Ram and Kumari Mayawati and Lahori Ram Balley, Prakash Ambedkar among others including PM V.P. Singh. Yet another appreciable contribution of Raj Paul is establishment of Dr. Ambedkar Buddhist Resource Center in Hoshiarpur (Punjab) with the active support both, monetary and moral, of his associates; D.R. Jassal and Diwan Singh on the land donated by Gurdial Sandhi and his family. One another good attribute which I have noticed is that Raj Paul and associates motivated ad involved ladies, spearheaded by none else but his wife Nashatar Kaur herself, in community matters including raising of funds. Raj Kumar has, I am happy to note, he has duly recognized and appreciated the support of his wife in his efforts including adoption of girl students for their education back home in Karatarpur. In fact the book has been dedicated to his wife, Nashatar Kaur and rightly so. With this, I think Raj Paul has succeeded in fulfilling his ‘Ambition’ to follow and carry forward the caravan of Dr. Ambedkar as stated in the book. Raj Paul closes the book with an ‘Overview’ which tends to set the things in right perspective.

With this, I take this opportunity to wish Raj Paul all the best in the years to come particular with regard to his substantive contribution to the community and the society at large. Salute to Raj Paul for his zeal in a poetic expression of Allma Iqbal: -

Hawaida  Aaj Apne Zakhm-e-Pinhan Kar Ke Chorun Ga
Lahoo Ro Ro Ke Mehfil Ko Gulistan Kar Ke Chorun Ga

I will surely exhibit all my hidden wounds today
I will surely change assembly to a garden with blood‐mixed tears

 

 

 

 

Deepening West Asia Situation – India’s Preparedness

Deepening West Asia Situation – India’s Preparedness

It is more than 75 days that war between the US, Israel and some countries of West Asia on one side and Iran on the other is going on which has resulted into deep crisis not only in the West Asian region but also the world at large. In spite of the fact, it seems, that both the barring sides are tired and exhausted but still trying to brow beat each other. The so called ‘negotiations’ to end the conflict hosted by Pakistan in cooperation with a few more stake holders has not

succeeded, as expected. Both the US and Iran have hardened their respective positions on major issues – Control and operation of Strait of Hormuz and Iran’s nuclear aspirations; inter alia. No early solution is in sight rather the situation has further deteriorated with threats and counter-threats. Due to the fact that the Strait Hormuz is the hub and nerve center of navigational flow of 80% of the energy sources not only of the volatile region but also of the world at large. Any further delay in ending the conflict, obviously, has direct bearing on the smooth flow of trade and energy supplies of oil and gas. The economies of the countries of the region are hard hit which is bound to usher the world into economic depression which also might result into recession worse than that of 1920-30s.

India is hard hit as most of its energy supplies and trade depend not only on smooth functioning of Strait of Hormuz but also peace in the West Asian region as India is a net importer of its energy supplies from the countries like; UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait and Iran itself. Apart from this, ten million Indians are working in these countries of the West Asian region that remained a perennial source of considerable remittances to their families back home. Besides dependence on energy supplies, India’s food security is also vulnerable as India is a net importer of edible oils and fertilizers for its agricultural sector.

Accordingly, PM Narendra Modi tried to take ‘We the people of India’ into confidence and cautioned and urged them to aware of the ground realities and be ready to face the emerging difficult situation in the wake of prolonged West Asia Crisis. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's appeal — with specific requests spanning fuel, gold, and fertilizers, cooking oil and foreign travel— is being read by many as

a prelude to administered price hikes over the spectrum to address the economic fall out of the crisis. Obviously, GOI cannot afford to be oblivious of the ground realities and must act and set the house in order to face the deepening crisis. I am confident that the people of India would certainly rise to the situation and cooperate and support the measures taken by the GOI, as always. Lal Bahadur Shastri did something similar with food in 1965, asking Indians to voluntarily fast on Monday evenings as the country faced both a war and food crisis. People understood and stood with PM as they felt that it was a genuine approach to meet the challenges of the times. Unfortunately, that sense of concern and trust is missing, it seems. The opposition parties have raised doubts on the policies and approaches of the GOI and raised questions on the practice and perception. It has been alleged that PM Narendra Modi and his associates were more interested in politics rather than addressing the difficulties of the common man. With regard to the energy requirements, Minister Hardeep Puri has assured the people and said, "There is no shortage of any petroleum product in the country. India has 60 days of crude oil, 60 days of LNG and 45 days of LPG reserves available. Amid tensions in West Asia, to ensure uninterrupted supply, India has unprecedentedly increased its daily LPG production (from 35,000 tons to 54,000 tons)" GOI has assured that our food reserves are sufficient and comfortable to live with the crisis. But we need to be ready and prepared to meet the crisis. We need to stand united and political leadership should lead from the front with sincerity.

What should be done? I have a couple of suggestions to make as a concerned and worried citizen of India –

i)               India should leverage its unique position as a trusted partner to all stakeholders—including Iran, Israel, the Gulf nations, and the US—to foster de-escalation, promote diplomatic dialogue, and prioritize the protection of the vast Indian diaspora in the region. Key efforts involve mobilizing the Global South for peace under the aegis of BRICKS of which India holds its rotational Presidency, securing energy supplies, and navigating the crisis to prevent severe economic shocks. 

ii)             The crisis will not end immediately with the cessation of hostilities and end of war. It will take time to bring the situation to normal particularly with regard to our energy supplies as the crucial infrastructures of our suppliers in West Asia have been damaged and destroyed in the war. It will take time to make them functional. Moreover, security situation and diplomatic parameters for interaction are bound to undergo a drastic revision. We need to plan our approaches not only to address the challenges on short term basis but also for long term responses.

Chupa Kar Asteen Mein Bijliyan Rakhi Hain Gardoon Ne
Anadil Bagh Ke Ghafil Na Baithen Ashiyon Mein
(The sky has kept thunderbolts concealed up its sleeve
Garden’s nightingales should not slumber in their nests)

iii)          There is an immediate need to fill the trust deficit in our political leadership; both the ruling elite and the opposition. PM Narendra Modi and the others in the ruling dispensation must engage themselves with the opposition leaders with sincerity and respect and shun the temptations to put the ‘personal and political creed above that of the nation’ as warned by Babasaheb Ambedkar. If we ignore these cautions of our forefathers, we would tend to put our progress and development into ‘jeopardy’.

मस्जिद तो बना दी शब भर में ईमाँ की हरारत वालों ने

मन अपना पुराना पापी है बरसों में नमाज़ी बन न सका

इक़बाल बड़ा उपदेशक है, मन बातों में मोह लेता है
गुफ़्तार का ग़ाज़ी बन तो गया, किरदार का ग़ाज़ी बन न सका।

Chan Goryanwala – Bhula Ram: An Obituary

 

Chan Goryanwala – Bhula Ram: An Obituary

A renowned lyricist and a missionary writer, Bhula Ram, famously known as Chann Gorayanwala passed away on May 5-6, 2026 at the ripe age of 97. He was known and recognized for his sterling contribution to Punjabi poetry and song writing by the masses particularly by the Dalit communities as he was a missionary writer

against the social evils like graded inequality, caste system and all sorts of social discriminations prevalent in the country and the society at large. His passing away ends of an era in Punjabi literature, where his words once resonated across generations and cultural platforms. A son of the soil, he was born in Gorayan, a small industrial township in Jalandhar in an ordinary family. Though Chan Goryanwala was an unassuming intellectual yet he earned recognition for his exceptional command over the Punjabi language and his ability to capture human emotions through his lyrics. Chan Gorayanwala wrote more than a dozen books as reported by the Tribune. He was a State Awardee for his excellent contribution to literature and culture of not only Punjab but also throughout India and beyond.

Chan Gorayanwala was fully dedicated to the community who often highlighted themes related to the SC (Scheduled Caste) community, including pride, social issues, and cultural identity of the weaker sections of the society. He was an ardent follower of Guru Ravidass and Babasaheb Ambedkar and such he wrote repeatedly on the mission, philosophy and legacy of these icons with a view to empower the marginalized segments of the society. But unfortunately he did not get his due recognition from the Manuwadi mindsets.

Chann Gorayanwala was a Punjabi cinema personality known for acting in films like Balbiro Bhabi and Shinda (1981), and for his work in the music departments of Laajo (1983), Putt Jattan De (1983), and Gabhroo Punjab Da (1986). He is also credited as a lyricist for Sarpanch (1982) and Nimmo (1984), as per the information accessed from the Social Media. His most popular songs include 'Chandigarh rehan waliye, assin pendu nahin dilan de marre' and "Mittran Da Challey Belna" among others.

Bhula Ram – Chan Goryanwala was the Chan (Moon) of the community in real terms. In spite of the fact that he was a well-recognized and successful personality in the literary and film realms, he remained a flag holder and spokesperson of Dalits to carry

forward the caravan of Guru Ravidass and Babasaheb Ambedkar throughout his life. I did not know him personally except seeing him once on the stage of Bootan Mandi’s celebrations of Guru Ravidass Jyanti some years ago. The Who’s Who of Punjabi music namely; Narinder Biba, Hans Raj Hans, Surinder Shinda, Sudesh Kumari, among others sang his spiritual and missionary songs which were fully acclaimed by the community. Some of these are –

·      Kanshi Vich Aya Shenshah by Narinder Biba

·      Pehlan Guru Ravidass Nu Dhio; Jado bhi Koi Kam Krna by Hans Raj Hans

·      Tenu Bhim Kahan Jan Rab Kahan by Sudesh Kumari

·      Mein Bhi Hai Khuralgarh Jana Mayen Meriey by Amrita Virk

The Tribune has rightly reported, “Tributes poured in from various sections of society, including writers, artists, and admirers, who remembered him as a humble personality and a guiding force in Punjabi literature. Several literary organisations and cultural bodies expressed condolences, highlighting his lifelong dedication to enriching Punjabi heritage.”

With this, I pay my humble tributes to Bhula Ram – Chan Goryanala and pray for peace to the departed soul. His demise is an irreparable loss not only to the community but also to the society –

Badi Mushkil Se Hota Hai Chaman Mein Didawar Paida