Kisan Andolan and Bharat Sarkar

 

Kisan Andolan and Bharat Sarkar

(A Sure Way to “Grammar of Anarchy”)

India i.e. Bharat has entered into its adulthood of democratic set-up enshrined in its constitution which came into effect on January 26, 1950. India got its independence from Britain on August 15, 1947 after a long struggle which we proudly term as the freedom movement. So far so good, India has remained India because of its constitution. It is a matter of satisfaction. Over the years, India has come a long way under the rule and governance by successive governments led by a number of political stalwarts as Prime Ministers. But it still has to go a longer way to reach though it can be

safely said that ‘India has arrived’. The journey in the process has been instructive and interesting under the constitutional framework so wisely and laboriously given to us by our forefathers led by visionary leaders like Babasaheb Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Syama Prasad Mukherjee, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Babu Rajinder Prasad to name a few among others.

With this background, let me elaborate a bit as to why I said that ‘India remained India’ because of the constitution? In the 1950s and even early 1960s, some sort of skepticism was made to linger – Who after Nehru?  -  A subtle message that perhaps there will be chaos after Nehru. But the power was handed down and transferred in a democratic way after Nehru’s demise in May, 1964 from Lal Bahadur Shastri to Indira Gandhi. Indira Gandhi remained a powerful and effective PM for a long time. She took momentous decisions during her tenures as PM. Under the constitutional arrangements, the strongest PM Indira Gandhi was unseated from the Lok Sabha by the court in an election petition. In the aftermath, the constitution came under stress which resulted in Emergency in 1975 in the wake of a public awakening under the JP Movement. Our constitution stood the test of time in spite of attempts to undermine it; Indira Gandhi could not digest more and had to declare elections in February/March, 1977 which she and her party lost miserably to the new resurgent political outfits. It could happen only because of the constitution of India. The new outfits could not hold and face the emerged challenges. People brought Indira Gandhi to power again. Another test came; Indira Gandhi was eliminated from the scene violently in October, 1984. What happened?  Nothing; there was smooth change of guard. Yet another test happened; Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated in May, 1991. Again the system remained on track; democratic miracles happened, good leaders like Narsimha Rao, V.P. Singh, I.K. Gujral, Chadra Shekhar , Deve Gowda held the fort ably, with an abrasion of Charan Singh who had no agenda except his misplaced aspiration to become the PM,  and made way for the stalwarts like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh. The constitution could hold the system with or without full majority in the parliament for the ruling elite under consensus and political alliances. The only flip side which could be noticed was that our political democracy could not evolve political culture and polarization on the basis of ideology or agenda. Another type of undesirable communal polarization came to the fore which brought to power right wing Hindutva leaders under the umbrella of BJP with Narendra Modi in the lead and blessings of RSS in May/June, 2014. In this exercise, the matter of gratification remained as all this happened under the provisions of the constitution. The opposition and some marginalized and minority groups have been alleging subversion of the constitution and negation of its values. And on the other side, the right wing BJP and RSS have been sounding to revisit the constitution to accommodate the Hindutva aspirations of the majority Hindus. These assertions are debatable but at the same time dangerous. We should not be oblivious of the warnings of the chief architect of the constitution, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar given in his last speech in the Constituent Assembly when he surmised whether India would lose its independence again. If we don’t pay heed to these warnings, we would do so at our own peril.

With this longish backdrop, I come to the subject – Kisan Andolan and Bharat Sarkar – the ongoing farmers’ agitation and government of India not as an expert but as a concerned citizen of India. The thrust of my presentation would mainly be to bring the thoughts of Babasaheb Ambedkar to focus to deal with the challenges. I think besides many more assertions and statements, Dr. Ambedkar’s speech of November 25, 1949 in the Constituent Assembly is as relevant today as it was before. Farmers are agitating against the new agricultural laws made by PM Narendra Modi’s government,

allegedly without prior consultations with the entire stakeholders and hurriedly/undemocratically passed in parliament. The agitating farmers demand to repeal the laws and sit with them to address the issues afresh. The agitating farmers have been blocking the entry points to the capital city of Delhi for the last nearly two months in a peaceful protest. Government tried to dissuade them and subtly branded the agitation as ‘conspired and propped up by the opposition’ for political brownie points and sometimes tried to tarnish the peaceful protest by terming it as ‘overtaken and high jacked by anti-national forces of Khalistan, Urban Naxals, illegal funds from abroad, supported by Pakistan and China etc. on one hand and officially talking and negotiating with the farmer leaders on the other. Even after 11 rounds of talks so far there is a complete deadlock and standoff. No solution seems in sight. The situation is getting tense and worrisome in the run up to the Republic Day on January 26 in the wake of the farmers’ decision to have their Tractor March on the streets of Delhi to observe the Republic Day in protest against the farm laws. It may be said, to cut the story short, farmers profess to exercise their democratic right to oppose the laws which, they think,  are detrimental to their interests and demand repeal of these said to be ‘black laws’. Government of PM Narendra Modi has been maintaining throughout that the laws are good and beneficial to the farmers and the country at large on one side and showed willingness to amend these to satisfy the agitating farmers on the other. It seems a contradicting approach on the part of the government. Either the laws are good and should remain or these are bad which may be amended or repealed. It means the problem lies somewhere else. The agitating farmers are adamant on their demands and are braving the harsh cold weather on the outskirts of Delhi under trying conditions. Government, it seems, is standing on its ego under their notions of ‘majoritarian’ approach which itself is a negation of democratic principles.  Even the Supreme Court could not offer any acceptable solution and way out. The situation is getting dangerous by each passing day which is really a matter of concern to the society and the country. Unfortunately, most of the media particularly the electronic media which is called the fourth pillar of the democratic polity is totally biased in favour of the ruling dispensation and people tend to term it as ‘Godi Media’. Yet another disturbing factor which undermines the unity and integrity of the country is that the vested interests, knowingly or otherwise, are increasingly trying to make the standoff as conflict between the Sikhs and the Hindus and some others as war between the poor and the rich. It has resulted in avoidable acrimony and animosity adversely affecting the social fabric of the society. There is a real danger that the agitation may turn violent, if not handled deftly, resulting into real crisis detrimental to the security of the country. These are dangerous trends which would tend to put our democratic set and independence into ‘jeopardy’ as apprehended by Dr. Ambedkar in his speech referred to in the proceeding narration. Some sane voices are emerging to deal with the situation as the Hindustan Times in its editorial note on January 22 stated – “Farmers must shed rigidity – The Government retreated (with the proposal to withhold the laws for 12-18 months). Protesting groups should have reciprocated.” I personally could not understand how holding the laws in abeyance would help? Only time would tell as to which direction the situation heads. But we have to alert and cautious.

Now I come to the crux as to what should be done or could be done in the light of the democratic edifice of the country and spirit of the constitution as visualized by the great visionary of contemporary times, Babasaheb Ambeddkar. I will touch upon only on two points made by Ambedkar which are most relevant to ward of the lingering danger in the prevailing and emerging scenario. One, the increasing communal divide and priority and acceptance to conflicting ideologies over national interests tend to create problems. Referring to these and his worry about the independence of our country Ambedkar said, “Will history repeat itself? It is this thought that fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country? I do not know. But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood.” Is there any need to elaborate this? I don’t think so. The sooner, our political leadership and intellectual class understand this, the better. The common citizen would tend to follow suit. It would bring in the much needed cohesiveness in our polity and society. The second is rather important with reference to the ongoing farmer’s agitation. In the same speech, the father of the constitution further said and gave these three warnings, “If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do?

The first thing in my judgment we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives. It means we must abandon the bloody methods of revolution. It means that we must abandon the method of civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha. When there was no way left for constitutional methods for achieving economic and social objectives, there was a great deal of justification for unconstitutional methods. But where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us.

The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not “to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with power which enable him to subvert their institutions”. There is nothing wrong in being grateful to great men who have rendered life-long services to the country. But there are limits to gratefulness. As has been well said by the Irish Patriot Daniel O’Connell, no man can be grateful at the cost of his honour, no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than in the case of any other country. For in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship.

The third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.”

Again, I think, there is no need to add anything to these thoughtful assertions made by Babasaheb Ambedkar. The message is clear and candid. India is passing through a difficult phase. We the people of India must understand this seriously. I conclude this with Hearty Greetings on the Republic Day and a poetic warning in the words of Allama Iqbal:

Chupa kar aastinoo mai bijliyan rakhi hai gardon ne

Anadil bagh k gafil na baithey aashiyanoo mai’

(The sky has kept thunderbolts concealed up its sleeve; garden’s nightingales should not slumber in their nests.)

 

(Blog of Ambassador Ramesh Chander)

 

 

 

From Mochi’s Theeha to IGNOU – Book Review

 

From Mochi’s Theeha to IGNOU – Book Review

(MOCHI – Ek Mochi Ka Adbi Zindginama)

While reading Dwarka Bharti’s recently released book - MOCHI – Ek Mochi Ka Adbi Zindginama), I was reminded of a famous phrase – From Log House to the White House -  attributed to President Abraham Lincoln of the USA and thought of giving the title - From
Mochi’s Theeha (shed) to IGNOU (Indira Gandhi National Open University) for the book review in hand. The book Mochi was released some days ago at the Budh Vihar at Sidharath Nagar (Bootan Mandi), Jalandhar, my native place, at a simple ceremony by invoking the Trisharan – Buddhist invocation by Harmesh Jassal, and launched by a renowned writer and rational thinker, Dr. Surinder Ajnat in the presence of  ardent Buddhists and staunch Ambedkarites, Lahori Ram Balley and Ramesh Sidhu both intellectual friends of the author, Dwarka Bharti. It has been published by Navchetna Publications of Varinder Kumar. I could guess that Dwarka Bharti was also a Buddhist, an enlightened person in the literary sense of the word. Dwarka Bharti himself wrote in Chapter 8 of the book – The Baghi Mochi - that the vagaries of life and literature had changed the course of my life. I was not simply a cobbler now who nailed in the sole of shoes but a rebel (Baghi) who will nail and stand against the people who had been nailing the society for long. The entire narrative in the book dwells on this theme of transformation from a low caste Hindu and a follower of Radha Soami of Beas to the equitable order of Gautama Buddha. In the process, it is evident that Dwarka Bharti has really come a long way from a marginalized Mochi to a recognized Intellectual with his sheer mental and spiritual faculties in spite of the fact that he did not get opportunity to get formal educational degrees. He participates in prestigious literary meets and seminars, writes in acclaimed literary magazines and papers, worked on the coveted position of a member of the syllabus committee of IGNOU as a proud literary personality. Dwarka Bharti is also one of past Presidents of Ambedkar Mission Society of Jalandhar like Surinder Ajnat. The book makes a good reading.  The life of the author could hold as a good motivational story. The book has been rightly dedicated to “Andheron Ko Bedhne Mein Sanlagn Tamaam Kalmon Ke Naam” (to the pens engaged in removal of darkness).

The introduction of the book has been written by the author’s long time friend and guide and himself a literary personality of standing Dr. Surinder Ajnat who also launched the book. Justifying the title of this review – From Mochi KA Theeha (shed) to IGNOU – let me endorse Dr. Ajnat’s comment on Dwarka Bharti’s poem which forms the part of post graduate course in IGNOU – Aaj Ka Eklavya – “Bharti ji Ki Bhasha Bahut Sashakt, Chust aur Vishyanukul Hai. Us Mein Vyangaarth Ka Udaharan Dun To Yeh Hoga: Ki Ab Angutha ‘Katvaiya’ Nahin Jayega, Sirf ‘Dikhaya’ Jayega” (now the thumb will not be allowed to be cut instead it will be used as a symbol of revolt).

In the prologue – EK Nazar Idhar, the author himself says that the book was not an expression of self-pity – “Prastut Zindginama Ek Mochi Ki Rudankatha Nahin Hai Balki Chamde Ko Mathne Ke Saath Saath Ek Aise Sahityik Mochi Ke Jiwan Ki Katha Ke Mukhya Ansh Hain.” The book has been divided into 9 chapters starting with Mochi Ka Theeha (Shed of a cobbler) and concludes with his poem “Aaj Ka Eklavya” which is prescribed in the syllabus of MA classes of IGNOU – From Mochi Ka Theeha to IGNOU. Dwarka Bharti has no inferiority complex that he is a Mochi and rightly so. He narrates interesting stories of his school days where even the teachers like Vidya Sagar among others treated him shabbily because of his low place in the social hierarchy. The caste divide and discriminatory treatment even at Radha Soami Dera aptly explain the deplorable practices at our centers of spiritual and social outfits. The author tells a curious incident when his own father-in-law Mani Ram scolds him, with disdain, that he (Dwarka Bharti) was nothing but a Mochi and should remain in his lowly limits. This incident touched the author’s sensitivities and pushed him further to rebel against the social order based on inequalities. The author’s sojourns to Jordan and Iraq for earning his bread and butter helped in opening his vision further which helped him in carrying forward his interest in literature.  As regards his contact and interaction in the literary circles particularly the so called “Dalit Sahitya”, while reading the narration one virtually finds a directory of Who’s Who in the academic and intellectual sphere. This easily explains that Dwarka Bharti enjoys a status of wide recognition in literary circles of India. Yet another interesting feature of the book, at least for me, remained that some well known names whom I happen to know personally do appear in the book as associates and co-players of the author namely; Lahori Ram Balley, Surinder Ajnat, Gian Singh Bal, Mohan Lal Philloria, Balbir Madhopuri, Desh Raj Kali among others. It was a matter of gratification for me to learn further about the life and mission of Gian Singh Bal from the book. The Chapter – Ek Baghi Mochi says all about the transformed status and state of mind of the author who termed himself as “Nir-ishwarwadi” who stands against social ills generated and perpetuated by “Ishwarwad” of various religious orders. There are many more like Dwarka Bharti and I have nothing to comment on his candid view point. But sometimes, as a layman, I surmise as to why liberated or transformed minds should be dogmatic about certain things? Dwarka Bharti is a practicing cobbler or Mochi but he consciously chooses not to hang a picture of Guru Ravidass, the lone icon of all Mochis, at his Theeha (shed). I could see the picture of Babasaheb Ambedkar at the author’s work place. Frankly, I find a tinge of some sort of complex, perhaps subconsciously, in the mind of the author. I don’t think even Lord Buddha professed this kind of rigidity or dogmatism. The answer may lie in the fact that we are still to go a long way in the journey to liberate ourselves from narrow considerations. Nevertheless, I fully know we are all human.

I take this opportunity to congratulate and thank Dwarka Bharti and Navchetna publishers for giving us much needed food for thought in their book - Mochi to face and address the societal maladies. I recommend the book to my friends and discerning public. With this, I conclude with a Shabad of Guru Ravidass which says much:

ਨੀਚੋਂ ਉਂਚ ਕਰੇ ਮੇਰਾ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ;

ਕਹੁ ਤੇ ਨਾ ਡਰੇ !

 

 

 

 

 

 

Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia – A Tribute

 

Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia – A Tribute

The birth anniversary of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia (January 14, 1886 – April22, 1980) falls on January 14. I have been writing off and own in the Ambedkar Times and my Blog: diplomatictitbits.blogspot.in on the life and mission of Babu Mangu

Ram “Prophet of dalit struggle in Punjab” as termed by Prof Ronki Ram of the Punjab University, Chandigarh. I thought of remembering the great dalit icon Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia again as a humble tribute to him for his pioneering contribution for the emancipation of the marginalized sections of the society in the early years of the 20th century under the banner of Ad-dharam Movement which was founded by him in 1925-26 on his return from the democratic world abroad and his sterling role in the Gadar Movement in the USA for the independence of India.

Initially, the ad-dharam movement was initiated by Vasant Rai,  Achutanand among others as a ‘reform movement’ of Hindus under of Arya Samaj to counter Christians, Muslims and Sikhs who were targeting dalits to join them under the arrangements of communal divide initiated by the British rulers in 1909 and further strengthened in 1919 which ultimately resulted in the ‘Communl Award” of PM Ramsey MacDonald in 1932 after the Round Table Conferences. It goes without saying that the Communal Award was the outcome of untiring efforts set in motion of the Memorandum of Ad-dharam Mandal submitted to the Governor of Punjab in 1929 which was rightly called “Magna Carta of dalits” and aptly pleaded and registered by Babasaheb Ambedkar in the Round Table Conferences against a stiff opposition by Mahatma Gandhi and the Hindu leadership at large who wanted to keep dalits under the subjugation of upper caste Hindus. The Ad-dharam Mandal under the stewardship of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia stood by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar when he was struggling for registering his view point for the emancipation of the depressed classes from the tyranny of caste Hindus. The rest is history.

With Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia’s expose to the liberal ideas of the USA and his work and interaction with the Gadari Babas made him revolt against the social discrimination of the caste Hindus against the depressed people under the caste system. He foundered Ad-dharam Mandal, in cooperation and coordination with his likeminded colleagues and declared the following as their motive and agenda, as written by Prof. Ronki Ram in one of his articles on the subject, “The leaders of Ad Dharm thus chose to restore dignity and freedom to the untouchables by detaching them completely from Hinduism and consolidating them into their own ancient religion – Ad Dharm— of which they had become oblivious during the long domination by the ‘alien Hindus’. In fact, the task of reviving their ancient religion was not an easy one, for the untouchables had forgotten their Gurus and other religious symbols during long period of persecution at the hands of the Savarnas. They had been condemned as impure and declared unfit to have their own theology. Thus, to revive Ad Dharm was tantamount to developing a new religion for the Achhuts. Mangu Ram’s claim that the Dalits were the real inhabitants of this land made an enormous psychological impact on the untouchables, providing a theological podium to sustain and reinforce the new Dalit identity.”Manyawar  Kanshi Ram, a dalit icon who brought the marginalized sections of the society to the political map of the country in recent times to carry forward the mission of Babu Mangu Ram, explained the agenda and rationale of Ad-dharam Movement in one of his public speeches in Hoshiarpur and said, “What is Ad-dharm? To tell people about this, I have called this meeting at this place. The Ad-dharm movement was the movement of rebellion against the Hindu religion. It was the movement against the Manuwad. A religion that mistreated and exploited Chamars for years and years, Ad-dharm movement was the movement against that oppression. It was the rebellion against all those atrocities. Ad-Dharm movement was the revolt against the Hinduism.”

The agenda and mission of Ad-dharam Movement and Babu Mangu Ram was clear and candid in establishing the dalit identity separate from the Hindus and Sikhs as Moolniwasis of the land. The contribution of Babu Mangu Ram and Ad-dhram Movement in this regard was immense and appreciable. It must be recorded in history in its right perspective. The subsequent developments like the Poona Pact of 1932 signed between Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in the wake of the Communal Award, independence of India in 1947 and the new constitution of India and also Babasaheb Ambedkar’s embracing of Buddhism in 1956 changed the political and social scenario which resulted in diminished relevance of Ad-dharam Movement. But the impact and contribution of the Movement, nevertheless, will remain in the dalit consciousness for long years to come.

It is a matter of satisfaction that the mission of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia with appropriate changes to cater to the needs of changing scenario is being followed and promoted by All India Ad-dharam Mission under the leadership of Sant Satwinder Singh Hira of Khuralgarh Sahib, historic site pertaining to Guru Ravidass ji, in Hoshiarpur district of Punjab and many other outfits. I take this opportunity to wish them all the best in realizing the lofty ideal of establishing a casteless and equitable society as visualized by Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia.

With this I close here with Naman to Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia on his birth anniversary as my humble tribute to the great leader.

ਹਜ਼ਾਰੋਂ ਸਾਲ ਨਰਗਿਸ ਆਪਣੀ ਬੇਨੂਰੀ ਪੈ ਰੋਤੀ  ਹੈ ,

ਬੜੀ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਿਲ ਸੇ ਹੋਤਾ ਹੈ ਚਮਨ ਮੈਂ ਦੀਦਾਵਰ  ਪੈਦਾ !

Sardar Buta Singh – A tribute

 

Sardar Buta Singh – A tribute

Sardar Buta Singh, an astute politician, assertive minister and involved community leader (March, 1934 – January, 2021) passed away on January 2 at the age of 86. He was a dalit leader of stature after Babu Jagjivan Ram. With the demise of Sardar Buta Singh country has lost a leader by his own right.

Buta Singh was born and brought up in Jalandhar in a socially and economically marginalized family. I am told that he was a Pathi (who recites Guru Grant Sahib) in his early years in his village Mustfapur. With his sheer grit and untiring spirit, he graduated from Layalpur Khalsa College and came under the influence of Master Tara Singh and the Akali Dal. While pursuing his education and apprentice in politics in Jalandhar, he tried his hand in journalism under the patronage of The Ajit, The Akali Patrika among other vernacular media organs besides activism as a student leader. Master
Tara Singh sponsored him to do his Master degree from Guru Nanak Khalsa College in Bombay (Mumbai). He was an orator with a deep knowledge of Sikh scriptures and ethos who could make the audience spell bound. I recall a personal experience sometimes in 1975-76 in Delhi when he was a junior Minister in PM Indira Gandhi’s government, at a function to celebrate the Gurpurab of Guru Ravidass ji. Along with him, some senior IAS officers were there as guest of honour. He spoke with his usual candor in a humble way, which was his strength, and said that he was a humble public functionary as a politician and my friends in bureaucracy present here choose to become rulers and administrators whereas he choose ‘Fakiri”. I was impressed by his delivery. There is yet another anecdote which I recall when I was posted in the PMO in mid 1970s. One day he came to PMO for a Cabinet meeting after his first appointment as Deputy Minister for Railways. I was standing in the corridor of PM’s Office with my boss Vimla Behnji who knew Buta Singh very well being close to the Nehru-Gandhi family. Vimla Behnji greeted him and said that Bhai owed her a big gift. Buta Singh smiled and stopped with folded hands and responed “Behanji, Tushin Hukam Karo, Tuhada Chotta Veer Hazir Hai” I found that he was a good communicator with an impressive personality.

With qualities of head and heart and down to earth approach, Buta Singh succeeded and rose to adorn many coveted positions in many governments as senior Minister, MP for record 8 tenures, Chairman of National SC Commission, Governor Bihar among others. He was an astute politician with an undoubting sense of survival among controversies. His role as Home Minister in Ram Janambhoomi, building Akal Takhat in the aftermath of Operation Blue Star, sacking of a number state governments, and controversial role as Governor of Bihar may be cited as some of the actions which kept him in the limelight of politics and governance. On the flip side, I was told by some of my friends that his role in creating division among the Chamars or Ad-dharmis on one side and Balmikis on the other (Buta Singh himself was a Mazahbi Sikh) for short term political agenda was not liked by the SC communities at large. Anyway, let us take a human view that ‘nobody is perfect’. Sardar Buta Singh was a leader of worth by his own right. My humble tributes to Sardar Buta Singh.

ਆਪਣਾ ਮੁਕੱਦਰ ਆਪ ਬਣਾਤੇ ਹੈਂ ਐਹਲੇ ਦਿਲ ,

ਹਮ ਵੋਹ ਨਹੀਂ ਜਿੰਨੇ ਜ਼ਮਾਨਾ ਬਣਾ ਗਿਆ !