An
Open Letter of an AAM AADMI – The Punjab Mandate – Message for AAP
March
21, 2017
Dear
Leadership and Volunteers of AAP,
I
have been writing weekly Open Letters as an Aam Aadmi to the voters of Punjab
since the second week of October, 2016 in the run up to elections on February
4, 2017. I promised to write my last letter of the series after the results of
March 11. The people of Punjab have given a clear mandate in favour of the
Congress Party
as against the general perception about AAP to hold the reins of
power. But the wonders of democracy preferred and voted the Congress Party to
power by unseating the Akali-BJP combine. It is time for a sincere
introspection for AAP.
I
have been a supporter of AAP since February, 2016. Along with others, I was
also an aspirant of the AAP nomination for the Jalandhar West seat. Frankly, to
put things in their right perspective, the party leadership in Jalandhar, from
day one of my joining the party on February 24, 2016, made me feel and
understand that I should focus and concentrate my activities on the reserved
seat of Jalandhar West though my vote and residence was located somewhere else.
I felt that it was an implicit message for me.
I
worked diligently with the best of my abilities. I revived my contacts, made
new ones and established rapport with the electorate in a planned and organized
way on my own and also under the advice and direction of the party observers.
Starting from June till October, 2016, I sent weekly reports of my activities
and observations to the Central Zonal Observer under intimation to the high-ups
in the party which were appreciated occasionally. At the time of nominations in
October, 2016, I was side-lined and ignored and someone else who was propped up
by the managers and observers themselves was favoured without even showing the
basic courtesy of informing or consulting me. It was a painful surprise from
the leadership of the party which professed to be a party with a difference. My
faith in the party was shattered a bit, to be frank. I, like a disciplined
soldier and a diplomat by training and experience, wrote to the Central
Observers and the Punjab Convener of the party and conveyed my dismay and
dissatisfaction. I wrote that the treatment meted out to me, it appeared,
emanated from ‘ignorance or arrogance or both’ but at the same time conveyed
that I joined the party not as a short term engagement but as a long term
association based on my conviction of the agenda and mission of the party under
the leadership of Arvind Kejriwal. Without any further murmur, I continued to
do my bit to support and help the party in my own humble way including my
contribution to the Punjab Dialogue with regard to the manifesto of the party
particularly with regard to the interests and concerns of Scheduled Castes. With
a view to provide the right articulation to the AAP view point on various
issues and concerns and also to give my suggestions to the leadership as a
critique with a positive mindset to help the party, with the knowledge of the
Jalandhar Observer and others, I started writing weekly ‘An Open Letter of an
Aam Aadmi towards the end of October, 2016 which was circulated through my
personal blog and social media organs like Facebook and also by E-mailing to a
select segment of my contacts in the educated and intellectual class. The
current letter is the last in that series. I understand it was received well.
Towards the last leg of the election campaign, I wrote personal e-mails to the
Central Observers and others and conveyed my observations and ways and means,
to my humble understanding, to convince and attract the young SC voters to
support AAP and its candidates. The purpose of my giving these details is to
say that I tried my best to help the party in whatever small way I could.
The
post election assessments were that AAP would make it and reach the corridors
of power in Chandigarh. Even the exit polls were favouring AAP. My own
assessment was that AAP would get 60-65 seats, if not more. I even wrote two
letters to the AAP leadership a couple of days before the March 11 results and
some suo motto suggestions to keep the powder dry in the run up to form the
next government in Punjab. But that was not to be and AAP could not make it as
expected. These are the wonders of democracy.
Obviously,
the rank and file of AAP is disappointed and even frustrated. Everybody is
taking shelter under one excuse or the other. It is said “Success has many
fathers and failure is an orphan”. AAP is no exception. An in-depth analysis
and a sincere introspection are needed. Of course, the party and the leadership
would undertake the exercise in due course. Meanwhile, let me share with you,
as an Aam Aadmi, my own perception and off-the-cuff assessment, not as an
expert but as a commoner, of the disappointing results for AAP.
AAP
is a fledgling outfit emanated from a movement against corruption and as such
is not a political party of the traditional ilk. Against much opposition and
odds, its leadership led by Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, Sanjay Singh,
Kumar Vishwas, among others, carried the flag in spite of the fact that their
colleagues like Yogendra Yadav, Prashant Bhusan and a few more left the caravan
half way through. Some young activists like Durgesh Pathak and others who
otherwise felt frustrated and defeated in the current system joined the
bandwagon to satisfy their personal egoistic agenda like their views on reservations, pomp and
show in the echelons of power, social and economic justice as professed by the
likes of Che Guevara and Shaheed Bhagat Singh, inter alia. Following their
leader Arvind Kejriwal, they ostensibly started living a frugal and simple life
away from their homes. They inherited the traits, like noisy protests, slogan
shouting, poster pasting, demonstrations and public marches, of their mentors
and leaders which eventually became brand icons of young AAP volunteers. The
early and visible victory in Delhi and Punjab in 2014 made them confident and
assertive. Most of them are an educated lot but somehow could not settle well
in life, to my mind. In some cases, power went to their head. It is said that
power without responsibility and experience and maturity is a recipe for
disaster. AAP entered Punjab with this band of people with élan and gusto to
make inroads to the corridors of power in Chandigarh. Without establishing any
party structure, a brigade of high headed observers and their assistants
descended on Punjab by the mid 2015 to prepare for the 2017 elections. They
worked with a missionary zeal with the help of people who were impressed by the
movement against corruption led by Anna Hazare of which Arvind Kejriwal was the
visible and accepted face. The people of Punjab were fed up with the misdeeds,
corruption, highhandedness, ill-governance of the ruling Akali-BJP government.
They wanted a viable alternative other than traditional parties like the
Congress. AAP immediately caught up with the imagination of the Punjabi youth
and the poor people at large. By the beginning of 2016, AAP registered itself
as a harbinger of change in the psyche of the people. Political credentials of
the party were increasingly accepted. Apart from the support of the general
masses, more and more well placed and experienced people from various walks of
life started joining hands with the AAP. I was one of them. Meanwhile, as
usual, some vested interests and self seekers from political, business and
wheeler dealers, seeing the flow of the wind, also jumped the AAP bandwagon
with their narrow and selfish agenda. This latter category tended to win over
and spoil the otherwise good central observers with malafide intensions and
means. In most of the cases, they succeeded in their nefarious design. It was
the sad aspect of the whole game. The political culture of the traditional
parties crept in and AAP, which professed to be a party with a difference, also
succumbed to the prevailing ground reality. The central leadership responsible
for Punjab increasingly tried to centralize powers in their own hands, ignoring
the local leadership. Sucha Singh Chhotepur and some more parted company. The
leadership, rather than assuaging their concerns, further discredited them under
the tendency of self-righteousness. The party suffered and lost creditability. There
was no structural edifice of the party which could absorb the shocks. The
central leadership in Punjab undermined the local leadership and talent and
preferred to run the show with highhandedness and self righteousness. The decay
was totally set in by the time of ticket allocations. The graph of the party
was going down by the passing of every week. Arvind Kejriwal and some other
well meaning leaders tried to salvage the situation but it was too late. The
local leaders were made so helpless that they lost their will to stand up and
rectify the situation. We entered the last phase of the election campaign with
all these negatives standing by our side. Amidst all this and a social hype
created by the campaign machinery working under the thumb and direction of the
central observers of the party, February 4 came and the fate of our candidates
was sealed in the EVMs. March 11 results stunned us all as against high hopes
of forming the AAP government. That was not to be.
All
said and done, without digging further details, let us see what went wrong?
Some of my, prima facie, observations in this regard are as follows:
v
Party remained an
offshoot of a movement without structures. It was run by a band of nominated
leaders from Delhi rather than by the emerging local leaders.
v
The central
observers and teams of Delhi volunteers did not have any direct stake in the
show. They ignored and sidelined local initiative and tended to run the show
with top heavy attitude and conduct. They all became “Sirs” for the grassroots
volunteers.
v
The Zonal
observers, with a view to earn brownie points from the central leadership,
propped up ticket seekers and created an artificial sense of competition among
the aspiring volunteers. It also resulted in some sort of low level corruption
by the junior functionaries deputed from Delhi. They tended to avail of small
and fringe benefits from the propped up aspirants. The exercise resulted in
avoidable internal conflict and bickering.
v
With this, the
well meaning professionals, public figures, intelligentsia, who joined the
party without any personal agenda, were suffocated and frustrated. On the other
hand, the self seekers, money bags, defeated and disgruntled politicians
started to have good understanding and rapport with the observers and their
teams.
v
The party reached
Sucha Singh Chhotepur phase. The party image received a direct hit in the
public perception. It needs no further explanation. The attitude of central
observers got further tightened which further alienated the local initiative
and say.
v
The ticket
allocation procedure and process was a farce. The said nomination by the
volunteers was a big hoax. The party became a butt of jokes on the issue. The favoured
lot of candidates knew the outcome days before the announcement. The well
meaning and serious aspirants were made to make lengthy applications under the
wrong assumption that “nobody knows” and ‘who cares”. The local leadership,
including the State Convener and Head of the Campaign, to my mind, had no say
in the matter. They were mere spectators.
v
The often
professed ‘Three Cs – Character, Corruption and Criminality’ idea was abandoned
halfway through. The integrity of some of the AAP candidates was not beyond
doubt.
v
The qualified and
experienced professionals and highly placed retired bureaucrats who were aspirants
of AAP tickets were sidelined and ignored as against candidates apt at
political expediency. My personal feeling is that some of the young and
inexperienced up-starts sitting at the helm of affairs are allergic to talent
and position.
v
Though the party
professed to be secular and anti-caste yet the ticket allocation was done on
the basis of caste. Just to give an example of reserved seats in the Jalandhar
Parliamentary constituency – Jalandhar West to a Bhagat (Kabirpanthi), Adampur
to a clean-shaven Chamar, Kartarpur to a Balmiki and Phillaur to an Amritdhari
Ravidassia Sikh as against availability of highly qualified and experienced
candidates.
v
The party
leadership particularly the central observers did not think fit to take into
confidence the well meaning and serious aspirants. A sense of
self-righteousness prevailed. The aspirants of ticket who were made to work and
spend money by the managers and observers were left in the lurch. With this,
obviously, the campaign was derailed.
v
The lead time,
comparatively much more than the AAP opponents, provided to the AAP candidates
did not result in favour but the other way round. A sense of fatigue crept in
before the D-day. The party observers and their team did not allow the
candidates to manage their own campaigns. It was always a dictation from the
top, be it LCDs, Projectors, Vehicles, Public meetings, Road shows etc. The
local initiative was missing. The hangers-on and vagabonds have had a field day
as a good pastime.
v
Social media hype
was created by purpose and design. The sycophants, hired ‘Bhaade Ke Tattu’ and
self seekers, with knowledge of the Delhi teams, were made to work overtime at
the cost of candidates under the pretext of ‘Door to Door’ and public connect.
It was unnecessary and non productive.
v
By the time the
other parties started their last leg of the campaign, the AAP machinery,
volunteer force and the candidates were already exhausted. There are rumors
that some of the candidates were lured with financial considerations by the
ruling alliance.
These were some of the systemic weaknesses of the AAP
campaign in the run up to the election. The image of AAP as a party with a
difference did not get registered with the masses. Besides this, there are few
more observations which may be of interest:
· The leadership was totally insular. There are people
like me who cannot make beelines before offices or living rooms to meet them. I
preferred to write and communicate and which I did. But it was futile. There
was no response irrespective of the fact that they have had their functional
offices with aides to manage. It is true for our MPs, Central Observers, and
State Convener and also Heads of some of the Sectoral outfits. Some of the
E-mail IDs of high-ups, obtained from Jalandhar Zonal Office, were non functional
and communications bounced.
· The managers of the “Punjab Dialogue” responsible for
the AAP Manifesto also did not respond or even acknowledge the suo motto
contributions made by volunteers like me. It seemed that they were more
concerned about making more noise about their work with regard to the manifesto
to secure and ensure their own tickets and positions.
· It is a common knowledge and ground reality that
dalits make 33% share in the Punjab demography. The position in the Doaba
region is such that in some of the constituencies it makes from 40% to
60%. I have been advising to the party
bosses to make some focused efforts to bring along the dalit youth and educated
lot. But nobody listened and responded. As a result, AAP lost miserably in
Doaba. It is matter of gratification that AAP could bag about 10 reserved seats
out of the total of 34. In the Malwa region dalits supported AAP. In Doaba, the
psyche of dalit communities is different which required special handling. The
AAP leadership could not understand this.
I may conclude this long letter with the hope that the
AAP leadership spares some time to read these observations of an Aam Aadmi
unlike the fate of my earlier attempts to awaken ourselves to the emerging
situation and to face the challenges of the future. Let us not give way to the
blame game. If I go by the media reports of today, March 21, the swords are
already drawn. We need to have a sincere and in-depth introspection to set the
matter right. I am happy to note that Arvind Kejriwal has undertaken the
exercise of damage control by writing a circular letter to the rank file of the
party of which I also got a copy on my E-mail ID. I quote from the letter of
Arvind Kejriwal:
“The questions we
should ask ourselves is whether the current political system is fine. Have
rampant corruption and crony capitalism disappeared? Is there justice for all?
Are the common people getting what they deserve? If the answer is ‘No’, we have
to continue and strengthen our political revolution.”
हुबैदा आज अपने ज़ख़्में पिन्हां कर के छोड़ूगा;
लहू रो रो के महफ़िल को गुलिस्तां कर के छोड़ूगा
!
With regards,
Yours truly,
(Ramesh Chander)
Ambassador – IFS (Retired)
Telephone: 09988510940
E-mail: rc2345@yahoo.co
