Status and Progress of Dalits in Punjab since Independence

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Status and Progress of Dalits in Punjab since Independence

India is celebrating “Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’ in its 75th year of independence. Obviously, there is much to write and celebrate and also feel proud on one hand. Certainly India has arrived but there is much to ponder over and contemplate to remain on the rails to reach in the years to come on the other.  I am a Punjabi Indian and after a long diplomatic career have come back to my roots in Jalandhar and as such picked up the threads to study, understand, asses and analyse the status and progress of my fellow brethren in the socially weaker or marginalized sections of the society, the so called dalits. Social Studies Foundation (SSF) of Pune was kind enough to ask me to contribute to the Special Issue of their mouthpiece, the Unheard Voices, to write on the subject. With a view to do my bit in this regard, I venture to write not as a historian or expert but as a student and a layman to celebrate ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’ with the esteemed SSF and the Unheard Voices.

In the run up to Independence, dalits of Punjab, under the leadership of Gadri Baba Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia, the founding father of AD-dharam Mandal, launched in 1926, while fighting for the independence from the colonial rule, were much concerned about the social status of the depressed classes which were later came to be addressed as Harijans and  Scheduled Castes and now as Dalits.  Dalits of Punjab, in cooperation and liaison with Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia, Gopal Singh Khalsa, Seth Kishan Dass among others, fully sided with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and supported him in his relentless struggle to get a due and rightful space for the depressed classes against, right or wrong, but willful opposition from Mahatma Gandhi and other hardcore Hindu leaders. Punjab dalits stood by Babasaheb Ambedkar pleading the case of dalits in the Round Table Conferences in London which resulted in PM Ramsey MacDonald’s ‘Communal Award’ accepting dalits as a separate entity and not as Hindus. The rest is history as to how Babasaheb Ambedkar was made to sign the ‘Poona Pact’ in 1932 to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi and retain the depressed classes in the Hindu fold with special provisions of ‘Reservations’ to cater for the social empowerment of dalits. Dalits of Punjab spearheaded the caravan of Dr. Ambedkar for the social reform and rightful space and say of dalits not only in socio-economic structures of the country but also in the polity as equal partners. Dalits contested elections of 1937 under the banner of the Unionist Party of Punjab and also All India Scheduled Caste Federation, floated by Babasaheb Ambedkar, and made their mark on the political map of the country. It may not be out of place to mention that when all doors were closed by the Congress Party and other hardcore Hindu elements for Babasaheb Ambedkar to enter the Constituent Assembly in 1946, the Punjabi leather businessmen led by Seth Kishan Dass, Baba Budh Singh Tallan and others played a sterling role to get Babasaheb Ambedkar elected to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal on a call by Joginder Nath Mandal who later, in the wake of partition, became the first Law Minister of Pakistan (Later he came back to India – a story in itself). With this background, I would tend to say that dalits of Punjab remained in the forefront of the emerging situation with a definite sense of confidence and belonging not only in Punjab but in other parts of India too.

 

Both socio-political and socio-spiritual considerations remained a vital factor in shaping the role and conduct of dalits in Punjab since independence in 1947. The new constitution of India, with Babasaheb Ambedkar; a dalit himself as the chief architect of the constitution) tended to give dalits a sense of assertion for their rights and due space in the social structures as equals which resulted in socio-political empowerment. In fact, caste system of Brahmanical order, as stated by Prof. Ronki Ram of the Panjab University, was never too strong or widely prevalent in Punjab as compared to other parts of the country. The Muslim influence was yet another factor in this regard as the undivided Punjab was a Muslim dominated province demographically. The Sufi traditions of Punjab and also the egalitarian approaches of the Sikh religion with the teaching of ‘equality, fraternity and justice’ enshrined in the Guru Granth Sahib also contributed to shape the conduct and behavior of dalits. The Arya Samaj also played some moderating role to bring the Harijans or depressed classes to the mainstream Hindu fold under the aegis of Jaatpaat Todak Mandal led by Sant Ram B.A. along with other

moderate Hindus. But in totality, the so called Harijans (as termed by Mahatma Gandhi) or Depressed Classes (termed by Ambedkar and Babu Mango Ram Mugowalia) or  Scheduled Castes (the nomenclature used by the legal framework) remained a marginalized lot at the lowest rung of the society; both in pre-partitioned Punjab or even later in the early years of independence. The following quote from a renowned scholar and political analyst Harish Puri of Punjab University sets the position in perspective, “M. A. Jinnah was reported to have made a suggestion that the Kamins (menial labour) (who were regarded neither Muslim nor Hindu/Sikh) may be divided 50-50 between India and Pakistan afterall both the dominions required scavengers, sweepers and leather workers [cf. Madhopuri2002:175]. Ambedkar and Nehru had to personally intervene to secure the release of Scheduled Caste people who were prohibited from leaving Pakistan for India by the Government of Pakistan through an order under a special Essential Services Ordinance.” Here in India too, the situation was so precarious that dalits were not permitted to live in refugee camps by the caste Hindus. Babasaheb Ambedkar spoke to PM Jawaharlal Nehru and the then Minister of Rehabilitation and sent Dadasaheb B.K.  Gaikwad, an associate and close aide of Ambedkar, to Punjab to oversee the rehabilitation of dalits. Harish Puri has said to explain the situation, “During the half a century and more after independence one witnessed the working of complex and

multi-dimensional process of change. A major difference was made by the demographic change following the Partition and the later reorganization of Punjab state.” Independence and the new constitution, which engaged Babasaheb Ambedkar in the lead, resulted in power awareness among the dalit masses in Punjab in the early years of independence. Dalit leaders; particularly those who decided to side with the ruling Congress party to counter the increasing influence of All India Scheduled Caste Federation and Ad-dhram Mandal and also the Shiromani Akali Dal like; Prithvi
Singh Azad, Yashwant Rai, Master Gurbanta Singh, Chaudhary Sunder Singh, Chaudhary Chand Ram, Chaudhary Dalbir Singh (both the Chaudharies of Haryana) found berths in all successive Congress Party governments right from Gopi Chand Bhargav – Bhim Sen Sachar era (early formative years)  to 1965-66 and formation and demarcation of Punjabi Suba. Several and varied cross currents to woo the dalit vote banks came and shaped the status and progress of dalits not only in socio-political but also socio-economic and also socio-religious spheres. Babasaheb Ambedkar himself visited and toured Punjab in 1951. With a view to undermine Ambedkar and Akalis under Master Tara Singh, Congress Party propped up Prithvi Singh Azad (Ravidassia), Yashwant Rai (Balmiki), Chaudhary Sunder Singh (Ravidassia),  all of them professed to be Arya Samaji in the Hindu fold and Master Gurbanta Singh (Ad-dharmi turbaned Sikh), Master Sadhu Ram (Ad-dharmi) among others. Master Tara Singh to garner the support of Ravidassia and Mahazbi Sikhs roped in Gopal Singh Khalsa (Ravidassia turbaned Sikh). The Hindu outfit, Jan Sangh appeared on the scene but could not make much dent politically among the dalit Hindus though the Hindu vernacular press, based in Jalandhar partially succeeded in attracting an influencing Hindu dalits culturally; particularly with reference to the demand of Punjabi Suba on linguistic basis. A large chunk of dalit Hindus registered their mother tongue as Hindi. Republican Party representing dalits of Ambedkaite orientation slowly gained strength in 1960s. Dalits started going abroad particularly UK in 1960s and later to the Gulf and other greener pastures in developed countries which resulted in their economic wellbeing and awakening raising  their social and political aspirations back home. The main stream of Republican Party led by Piara Ram Dhanowalia among others, against the faction led by Lahori Ram Balley who opposed, ostensibly, Punjabi Suba allegedly on the behest of lobby headed by the Hindu Lala Press of Jalandhar, sided with Akalis on the issue of Punjabi Suba and even join the first coalition government of Justice Gurnam Singh after the formation of Punjab in 1966. With these developments, dalits got fragmented and divided to the liking of vested interests both in Sikhs and Hindus on one hand and among the political outfits viz. Congress Party, Akali Dal and Jan Sangh on the other. Dalit consciousness received a much needed boost with the growing economic muscle, increased influence of all embracing spiritual Deras like Satsang Beas, Nirankaris and outfits of Gurmit Ram Rahim Singh and also, inter alia, dalits deras like Sachkhand Ballan in Jalandhar, Swami Gurdip Giri Dera in Pathankot among others. Kanshi Ram appeared on the scene in mid 1970s with BAMCEF, DS4 and ultimately Bahujan

Samaj Party (BSP) and successfully galvanized the dalit psyche and made dalits, a force to ‘reckon with’ in the political landscape of Punjab. With the favourable demographic profile with almost 35% and 34 reserved seats in the Assembly and 4 in the Lok Sabha, dalit vote banks became a much sought after activity on the political agenda of all political parties. Though there is no doubt that the constitutional provisions made by our forefathers; particularly Babasaheb Ambedkar tended to help dalits, as visualized, to stand up and assert for their due space in the polity, economy and the society yet it was not to be because the political and caste based social structures and the avoidable ‘disunity’ among the dalits themselves did not allow to avail off the opportunities for the real ‘empowerment’ of dalits. They remained on the fringes in spite of all visibly requisite parameters of much needed and intended progress and prosperity of dalits. In the last three decades, governments of Akalis, Congress Party and coalition governments of Akali-BJP dispensations successfully, and I think willfully, kept the dalits on the margins. The reasons for this undemocratic, undesirable and unethical situation is not far to seek – dalits are a divided lot, dalit leadership of all parties could not prove themselves as true representatives of the masses, dalit Deras are not alive to the political situation and are mostly headed by uneducated so called spiritual gurus without any ‘Think Tanks’ working behind them and traditional caste bias in the society which still, unfortunately, exist in the society at large.  The so called dalit party, BSP of Mayawati failed Kanshi Ram and the dalit masses with their restricted motivation and agenda. The dalit intelligentsia including the retired top ranking bureaucrats, appears to be at loss to understand what to do? What how far it will remain like this? The question needs to be addressed. Dalits themselves would be required to think and find a solution to get a due space and say in the power structures of the state where they are 35% of the population of the state.

Of late, it has been observed that dalit youth and the educated segments of the community are getting interested, concerned and even agitated with regard to the existing and emerging socio-political scenario and rightly so. In the recent 2022 elections, Congress Party played their tactical move to name Charanjit Channi the Chief

Minister a couple of months prior to the elections and contested with Channi as the CM face. The move boomeranged not only because of the infighting in Congress Party but also the underling social hierarchy which does not like the idea. Earlier, BJP Appointed Vijay Sampla as an MOS in the Central Government and also made him the head of the BJP’s Punjab Unit. They made Som Parkash as MOS in Delhi. Akalis thought of wooing the dalit vote banks by forming an alliance with BSP. In the recent years, all major political parties viz. Congress, Akalis, BJP and new entrant AAP could manage to win reserved seats to their kitties which resulted in further fragmentation and division among dalit MLAs and ultimately adversely affected the strength of dalits. But there is no way out to address the systemic malice; it seems, in the given situation. Besides, legal and constitutional framework, constitutional morality is needed as advised by Babasaheb Ambedkar to send ‘Gyansheel’ elected representatives to the legislatures.  Let me add a recent instance. AAP, the ruling party in Punjab, with its strength of 92 in the Punjab Assembly has 28 SCs, who won from the reserved seats. But AAP did not show magnanimity or political prudence in nominating a single dalit for the 7 seats of the Rajya Sabha in the recent elections. The ones who shout from the roof tops against Reservations should take note of this.

My hosts, Social Studies Foundation advised me to limit my take to about 1500 words but I have already crossed the limit with about 2400. What awaits dalits of Punjab in the years to come? It is a big question. I think, dalit’s ‘tryst with destiny’ in the year of ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’ has to be revisited. Political democracy has no meaning if it is not transformed into social and economic democracy, said Babasaheb Ambedkar. It is yet to come in our polity and society and Punjab is no exception. Political scientists and historians would observe that in the Punjab Elections – 2022, dalits did not support Charanjit Singh Channi on caste basis. They did not vote SAD-BSP alliance because of caste considerations. They did not support BJP, I think, because of historical and socio-cultural reasons. It is a matter of gratification to note that though dalits are sitting still on the fringes yet they are increasingly following the dictum – “Educate – Organise – Agitate” of their icon Babasaheb Ambedkar. The political

stake holders would engage themselves and do their job, I am confident, to accommodate dalits and their aspirations with 35% share in the demography of Punjab. The socio- cultural outfits like RSS, SGPC and others are expected to jump in and come out of the ‘Lip Service’ phase before it gets too late. I am a firm believer of ‘Samrasta’ in the society to keep India on track. We would ignore this vital need at our own peril. In conclusion, my poetic advice to my fellow brethren in dalit communities would be:

तू पहले बात; फिर बात का अंदाज़ पैदा कर,

फिर ज़माने  में तुझे  कोई नज़र अंदाज कर नहीं सकता।        

(Ambassador Ramesh Chander, IFS – a retired career diplomat)